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I

Early Western Travels

1 748- 1 846

Volume V

«
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Travels in the Interior

of America

In the Years 1 809, 1810, and 1 8 1 1 , by

John Bradbury

Edited with Notes, Introdu^tionsy Index, etc., by

Reuben Gold Thwaites

Editor of "The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents," "Wisconsin
Historical Colleaions," "Chronicles of Border Warfare."
Hennepin's New Discovery," etc.

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(Separate publication from " Early Western Travels : 1 748- 1 846,"
in which series this appeared as Volume V)

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CONTENTS OF VOLUME V

Peeface. The Editor 9

Tbavels in tee Intekior of America in the Years 1809,
1810, ANB 1811; including a descriptioD of Upper
Louisiana, together with the States of Ohio, Kentucky,
Indiana, and Tennessee, with Illinois and Western
TenitoTies, and containing Remarks and Observations
useful to Persons emigrating to those Countries. Jokn
Bradbury, F.L.S.

Dedication to De Witt Clinton . . . .33

Author's Preface (1817) 33

Author's Preface to Second Edition (1819) . . 39
Author's Table of Contents . . . - 31

Text 35

Appendix: —

I Vocabulary of some words in the Osage

Language 215

II Oration delivered by the Big Elk, the

Chief of the Maha Nation, over the

Grave of the Black Buffalo, Chief of

theTetons{July 14, 1S13) . . . aaa

in Interesting Narrative of the Expedition

of Mr. Hunt 334

IV Description of the Missouri Territory . 335
V Remarks on the States of Ohio, Ken-
tucky, and Indiana, with the Ulincas
and Western Territory, and on the
Emigrations to those Countries . . 373
VII [». e., VI] Catalogue of some of the more
rare or valuable Plants discovered in the
neighborhood of St. Louis and on the
Missouri 317

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME V

Map of the United States of America; comprehending

the Western Territory with the course of the Missouri ao
Facsimile of original title-page ax

PREFACE TO VOLUME V

Comparatively little is known of the life of John
Bradbury, naturalist and traveller, beyond what is
disclosed in the volume here reprinted. By birth he
was a Scotchman ; but he had lived long in England, and
in 1809 was commissioned by the Botanical Society at
Liverpool to make some researches into plant life in
the United States. Arriving in this country during the
summer of that year, he brought letters of introduction
to Jefferson, and was invited to visit at Monticello.
The following letter from Jefferson to General Meri-
wether Lewis, governor of Louisiana Territory at St.
Louis,' proves the estimation in which Bradbury was
held by that American savant and statesman:

Monticello Aug. 16. '09
Dear Snt:

This will be handed you . . . Mr Bradbury, an
English botanist, who proposes to take S'. Louis in his
botanizing tour, he came recommended to me by mr
Roscoe of Liverpool, so well known by his histories of
Lorenzo of Medicis & Leo X. & who is president of the
Botanical society of Liverpool, mr Bradbury comes
out in their employ, & having kept him here about ten
days, I have had an opportunity of knowing that besides
being a botanist of the first order, he is a man of entire
worth & correct conduct, as such I recommend him

' Miscelianeous JefTeraon Fapcis, series 5, vol. 16, No. 7 K, in State
Department, Washington, D. C.

Early WesterTi Travels

[Vol. s

to your notice, advice & patronage, while within your
government or it's confines, perhaps you can consult
no abler hand on your Western botanical observations.'
Gov''. Lewis. Th'. Jefferson

Acting upon Jefferson's advice, Bradbury decided to
make St. Louis the centre for his explorations, instead
of New Orleans, as originally intended. He arrived
at this then frontier town on the last day of 1809.
After the necessary inquiries and preparations, the
spring and summer of 1810 were spent in short excur-
sions from St. Louis, not more than eighty or a hundred
miles at a time. In this manner he made an exhaus-
tive study of the flora of that vicinity, and a consider-
able collection of living specimens; these he forwarded
in the autumn to Liverpool, by way of New Orleans.

Bradbury had intended to remove to the Arkansas
River, when, early the following year, he met at St.
Louis the leaders of the overland Astorian expedition.
Being invited to accompany them he gladly availed
himself of the opportunity. The major portion of his
journal, therefore, is concerned with the tour from
St. Louis to the Ankara villages, some eighteen hun-
dred miles above the mouth of the Missouri. From
there, our author accompanied Ramsay Crooks to the
fur-trading station among the Mandan, two hundred
miles higher up the river. On returning to the Ari-

■ Lewis and Clark had not yet published the volaminous journals kept
by them during their transcontincntul eipeditioa of 1804-06. JcSeison
was anxious that Lewis should get to picas with these papers — hence this
reference. Later, upon Lewis's death, Clark arranged with Dr. Benjamin
Smith Barton, of Philadelphia, to prepare the scientific data for publica-
tion; but Barton's death intervened, and these data were not published uttdl
1904, edited by the present writer.

i8o9-i8ii

Prefac

kara, he found the Astorians in active preparation for
their journey across the continent by land.

Accompanying the party to the coast would not have
assured him of a return passage by sea, or the trans-
portation of his collections, so Bradbury decided to
return down the river with his fellow traveller, Henry
M. Brackenridge, who was to descend in one of the
boats of a prominent fur-trader, Manuel Lisa. Em-
barking on July 17, their voyage down stream was so
rapid that in less than two weeks they were again in
St. Louis. The haste of the retimi voyage was a disap-
pointment to Bradbury, who had hoped for delays
sufficient to secure specimens of the plants of the later
summer, or those that had evaded his notice on the
slower outward journey.

The sequel to the hardships of the Missouri expedi-
tion was an attack of fever, which lasted nearly four
months. At its conclusion, Bradbury embarked for
New Orleans, and after a perilous voyage, in which he
experienced the severe earthquake shocks which de-
stroyed New Madrid (December, 181 1), he arrived at
the mouth of the Mississippi and set sail for New York.
Before completing his preparations to return to Eng-
land, the war between the two nations broke out, which
led to his remaining nearly four years longer in the
United States. It appears to have been after the con-
clusion of peace that he made that journey through the
central Western States and to Illinois, the observations
of which have been embodied in appendix v, ' ' Remarks
on the States of Ohio, Kentucky, and Indiana, with the
Illinois and Western Territory, and on the Emigrations
to those Countries."

Early fVestem Travels

[Vols

Bradbury was in Liverpool when the first edition of
his volume of travels was published. According to
the editor's preface in the second edition (1819), the
author had by that time returned to America and taken
up his residence in St. Louis.

The volume was received with much favor both in
England and America. Appearing after the animosity
that had been aroused by the calumnies and carica-
tures of such travellers as Weld and Ashe, the just,
kind, and judicious spirit of Bradbury's book poured
oil upon troubled waters. The Edinburgh Review
commented at some length (December, 1818) upon the
first edition, describing it as worthy of attention.

The principal portion of the book deals with a region
then beyond the pale of American settlement; hence it
was to appendix v that Americans were obhged to turn
for a favorable and appreciative estimate of the customs
and institutions of the Western territory. Therein,
after a brief summary of the vast resources of the
region, our author proceeds to describe the conditions
of settlement. He shows that the great Middle West
was in that early day fast filling with immigrants from
"almost every country of Europe;" that the "back-
woodsman" was already passing — and, impatient
with the trammels of settled society, was disposing of
his "improvement" to the more tractable foreign
immigrant, who welcomed the clearing in preference
to the untamed forest. Passing to social conditions,
Bradbury comments upon the spirit of co-operation
and good neighborliness, by which every man aids
his fellow in the larger operations of clearing and house-
building, and makes this necessary aid an occasion for

I809-I8II]

Preface

merry-making, only expecting in return that his neigh-
bor will lend him a hand when a like opportunity offers.
He pictures the democratic manners of the West, as
the result of a sturdy, manly spirit, which feels no ser-
vility in honest labor. His remarks upon the hospi-
tality of the people, and their moral character, compare
favorably with the sketches of the less sympathetic
Michauxs and Cuming. The article closes with some
practical advice to intending English emigrants.
Brief as this account of the Middle West is, its value
is considerable, not only for the spirit in which it is
couched, but for the light which it sheds upon condi-
tions at the close of the War of 1812-15. Besides
noting the rush of immigration in 1816, Bradbury records
the beginnings of steam navigation, and the growth of
domestic manufactures. Incidentally, also, his lists of
prices show the great production of food stuffs, the
. exclusively agricultural character of the population,
[ md the opportunity opened here for every man pos-
sessed of willing hands.

Aside from this brief picture of the Middle West, the
chief interest of Bradbury's Travels relates to the region
beyond the Mississippi. Since Lewis and Clark's
adventure (1804-06), no description of the Missouri
Valley had been given to the world.' Moreover, Brad-
bury accompanied an expedition whose daring purpose
and breadth of scope have made it one of the most
renowned in trans-Mississippi annals. Whoever would
trace the history of the overland Astorian expedition,

' Nicholas Biddlc's paraphrase of Lewis and Clark's jounials was pub-
lished in Februaiy, 1814; Bradbury's Travels fiist appeared in tSty. But
the journal of Patrick Gass, one of Lewis and Clack's sergeants, bad been
issued in 1S07.

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

must depend upon this volume for information con-
cerning the early part of the journey; while appendices
ii and iii briefly complete the account of the Astorians'
adventures as far as the Pacific. Washington Irving,
the classic, but not always accurate, historian of this
enterprise, acknowledges his indebtedness to our
author.

Brackenridge — see volume vi of our series — tells
us that Bradbury had come to America imbued with
that enthusiasm for the simple, untutored life of the
savage which was felt by so many cultivated Europeans
of his day. His illusions being quickly dispelled, there
appears no "Atala" up>on his pages. Lover of truth
as he was, he portrayed the Indian as he found him,
in all his savagery and degradation. Ne.xt to Lewis
and Clark's journals we have no better ethnological
authority for the Western Indians of this period, than
Bradbury. His accurate descriptions of habitations,
methods of agriculture, implements and weapons,
games and dances, tribal affinities and hostilities, are
most interesting. In regard to natural history — the
minerals of the regions through which he passed, and
observations upon plants and animals — Bradbury's
book is the report of one trained for this species of
observation, and an enthusiast whose zeal is unflagging.

To the simple boatmen, the ways of our author were
inexplicable; a gentleman given to long rambling in
search of common shrubs and flowers might be an
eccentric, but when this peculiar being swam icy rivers
in March, braved the fatigues of long journeys on foot,
and the risk of captivity by hostile Indians, then amuse-
ment deepened into wonder. At times, this became

i8o9-i8ii]

Preface

alarm and annoyance, for it was sometimes necessary
to search for him before proceeding, and to guard him
against the hostiles whom he was so ready to tempt.
Nevertheless, the rivermen admired him for his un-
flinching endurance, his readiness to share all the
vicissitudes of the expedition, and his good humor and
kindness toward every member of the party. Even
during the earthquakes upon the Mississippi, Brad-
bury's calm reasonableness secured his party's safety.
It has been noted that in his description of the great
danger to which his craft and all its passengers were
once exposed in the fury of a tornado upon the Mis-
souri, Bradbury was collected enough to note the
species of shrub to which the boat was moored, and
upon whose rooted tenacity the Uves of all depended.

Another interesting feature of Bradbury's work is the
conversations he had with the pioneers of the trans-
Mississippi region. In the Femme Osage region he
met the aged Boone; to Bradbury we owe much of our
knowledge of John Colter's extraordinary adventures;
the half-breeds and Indian chiefs with whom Lewis and
Clark made us acquainted, appear again upon Brad-
bury's pages.

Taken as the record of a traveller of unusual intelli-
gence, of a naturalist of rare enthusiasm, of a man
with human qualities, Bradbury's Travels in the In-
terior oj America is worthy of a twentieth-century pre-
sentation.

Valuable assistance in the annotation has been re-
ceived from Louise Phelps Kellogg, Ph.D.

R. G. T.
Madison, Wis., June, 1904.

Bradbury's Travels in the Interior of America

IN THE Years 1809-1811

Reprint of the second edition (London, 1819)

PREFACE

When I undertook to travel in Louisiana, it was
intended that I should make New Orleans my principal
place of residence, and also the place of deposit for the
result of my researches. This intention I made known
to Mr. Jefferson, during my stay at Monticello, when he
immediately pointed out the want of judgment in form-
ing that arrangement, as the whole of the country round
New Orleans is alluvial soil, and therefore ill suited to
such productions as were the objects of my pursuit.
In consequence of his representations, I changed my
intentions, and proceeded to St. Louis, one thousand
four hundred miles above Orleans by the course of the
Mississippi, where I employed myself, during the win-
ter of 1810, in making such preparations as I deemed
necessary for the preservation of what might be col-
lected during the ensuing [vi] summer. In my subse-
quent journey up the Missouri, although every facility
was afforded me that the nature of the expedition would
allow, yet the necessity of conforming to the rules laid
down to secure the safety of the party during the voyage,
added to the known or supposed proximity of the hos-
tile Indians, during a considerable part of our route,
caused me to lose a great many opportunities, which, had
my exertions been free, I should not have done. Be-
sides these impediments, I lost the opportunity of col-
lecting a great number of new plants on my return,
through the breach of faith towards me by Mr. Lisa,

26 Early Western Travels [Vol. s

who agreed that his boats should land me at difEerent
places; which promise he neither did, nor intended to,
perform. For these reasons, I am persuaded that
much yet remains to be done in that interesting country.
When the whole of my collection was embarked on the
Missouri, at the Aricara nation, it was extensive; but
being then two thousand nine hundred miles from New
Orleans, the losses by the way, and during my subse-
quent sickness at St. Louis, greatly diminished it. Im-
mediately after my return to the United States, and
before I could make any arrangement, either for my
return to England, or for the publication of the plants
I collected, the war broke out with this country: — I
waited for its termination, and made some arrangements
which caused a necessity for my stay some time longer.

[vii]I have made the above statement, because I
think, that whoever undertakes a mission of the nature
which I did, where the duty is to be performed in a
wilderness, ought to give an account how he performed
it, even in his own defence; as it often happens that men
are found, who, from interested or malignant motives,
will vilify his character. I had intended that this
should have been accompanied by a description of the
objects collected, that had not been before discovered ;
but on my return to England, I found that my design
was frustrated, by my collection having been submitted
to the inspection of a person of the name of Pursh, who
has pubUshed the most interesting of my plants in an
appendix to the Flora Americm Septentrionalis.

As my chief object has been to convey information
and to write the truth, I have not been particular in the
choice of words; if, therefore, the style meets withcrit-

1817] Bradbury's Travels 27

icism, I shall neither be surprised nor disappointed. A
catalogue of some of the more rare plants in the neigh-
bourhood of St. Louis, and on the Missouri, is added,
together with their habitats. To many it will be of no
value; but as it may be of some use to naturalists who
may visit those parts hereafter, I have thought proper to
insert it. In what relates to the country west of the
Alleghanies, I have been brief, because a more dilated
[viii] account would have swelled the work much be-
yond the limits I had prescribed to myself. A second
visit to those parts, in which my movements shall be less
circumscribed, may enable me to give a more finished
picture. In what has been said on those countries, I
disclaim any design to encourage emigration; and may
be credited in the assertion, because I can have no
possible interest in promoting it. I have told the truth,
and I can see no reason why it should have been sup-

Liverpool, August i, 1817.

TRAVELS

THE INTERIOR OF AMERICA,

Ye&bs 1809, 1810, AND 1811 ;

imCLODINCI

A DESCRIPTION OF UPPER LOUISIANA,

TBE STATES OF OHIO, KENTUCKY, INDIANA, AND
TENNESSEE,

nXINOIS AND WESTERN TERRITORIES

BSUJSra AND OaSBRVATiaiTS

DitruL ta

raBSONS SBOGBATING TO .TR08B COm(TUB&

^econU JEattion.

Bt JOHN BRADBURY. F.L.S. Lordos,

«JlDgMrati«a(l)KUTFrinal-Pliiloi0pbial8n«lT. udBoaonn
M Uicnij Md inuhaophuul ^ortRio, Nn VoA, UoitBd SUtct, AM

MIVDDM: ntSLISBEO BTiBERWOOD, BESLT, ABO JOMSt.

1819.

Entered at Stationers' Hall

TO HIS KXCEIXENCY

DEWITT CLINTON

GOVERNOR OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK

PRESroENT OF THE LITERARY AND PHILOSOPHICAL

SOCIETY

CITY OF NEW YORK, &C. &C.
THIS WORK

IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED BY

THE AUTHOR

SECOND EDITION

Shortly after the publication of the first Edition
of this Work, Mr. Bradbury returned to America,
and is now residing at St. Louis. The rapid sale
of the first Edition, and its favourable reception by
the Public, have induced the publication of a second,
to which a Map of the United States has been added,
carefully collated from the one published by Mr. Mel-
lish.

Mr. Bywater's ingenious speculations on animal-
cttlcB, which were published in the first Edition, in a
letter addressed by him to Mr. Bradbury, are omitted
in the second, at the request of the author, who, on
reconsidering the subject, wishes to make some altera-
tions, that he does not feel himself at liberty to publish
in Mr. Bradbury's Work, without previously consulting
him,

Liverpool, 1819.

CONTENTS

Arrival at St. Louis

Departure up the Missouri

Canadian Boatmen .......

Arrival at Bon Homme Island

Introduction to Daniel Boone

Colter's interesting escape from the Blackfoot Indians [note] .
Indian war parties ....,..,

Manitou rocks described .......

Boone's Lick settlement ...,..,

The skunk

Arrival at a village near Fort Orleans ....

First appearance of sand-stone and iron ore

Increase of beea ........

Arrival at Fort Osage

Description of an Osage village, and the manners of the

inhabitants

Wood pigeons described

Coal discovered in the blufis

La Platte RiviSre

Indications of Indian war parties

Description of the lake and hills near Papillon creek .

Departure overland for the Ottoes

Description of the Otto village

[xii] Thunder storm near Blackbird Creek ....

Blackbird's monument .

Account of Blackbird (note)

Maba village .........

Introduction to the Big Elk and White Cow

Prairie Dog

The author meets with three Poncar Indians
Iron ore in the bluffs

3 2 Early Western Travels [Vol. s

A large Indian war party attempts to oppose the progress of

the boats 103

Smoking the calumet 107

Character of the Sioux Indians 109

The boats meet another party of Indians .... 112

Mr. Lisa's boats come up 117

Herds of Buffaloes 134

Indian hunting {noW) 134

Some account of the beaver (note) 125

Arrival at the Aricara town 127

Account of the Indian language 128

Indian council 129

Medidne man 132

The Aricaras prepare to defend themselves against the Sioux 135

Journey over land to the Missouri Fur Company's Fort . 14a

Cannon-ball river 145

Arrival at the Mandan town 151

Journey continued ija

Arrival at the Fort 153

Dance of the squaws 159

Indian depository of the dead 160

Instance of cruelty in an Indian chief .... 161

Excursion to the Mandan village 162

Whimsical frolic of young squaws 164

Coal beds burning 165

The author's rencontre with an Indian .... 166

[xiii] Return to the Aricara town 167

Return of an Indian war party 168

Indian mode of hunting buffaloes 173

Customs of the Aricara Indians 175

Departure for St. Louis 182

Tremendous thunder storm ...... 186

Battle of buffaloes 188

Arrival at Fort Osage igo

Account of the Grand Saline, on the Arkansas river . . 192

White man's house at Boon's Lick 195

Arrival at St. Louis igj

iSi?] hradhury's Travels 33

Departure for New Orleans 198

Planters and Sawyers in the Mississippi .... 199
Dangerous interview with Chickasaws .... 201

Earthquake at the Devil's Channel 203

Singular notion of the cause of the earthquake . . . 309

Arrival at Natchez . . . . . , .311

Sugar plantations above New Orleans . . , .an

[Arrival at] New Orleans jia

Vocabulary of the Osage language ..... 315

Oration of the Big Elk 222

Narrative of a journey from the Aricara nation to the Pacific

Ocean 334

Mr. Crooks's narrative . . . . .228

MissouEi Territory, or the country of Upper Louisiana . 335
Its vast e.itent ........ 336

Cheap purchase of {note) ...... 336

Immense salt deposit in Upper Louisiana .... 341

Saltpetre generated in caves ...... 347

Appearances of coal ....... 347

Lead Mines ......... 348

Fossil bones found in Upper Louisiana .... 254

General character of the country a 54

Its climate 355

[xiv] Wild productions of the Missouri Territory . . . 356

State of agriculture 359

Mode of hunting up swine 360

Situation of St. Louis afii

Superior advantages of the Missouri Territory to new Settlers a6a
Cultivation of cotton, and a description of the saw gin . . 364

Rapacity of the Spanish governors 369

Ohio State 372

Extent of land that furnishes water to the Ohio river . . 374

Abundance of coal 375

Salt 376

Beauty of the native woods 379

Price of land, and amount of land tax .... 381

Trades and professions, and price of labour . . . 285

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

Constitution of the state of Ohio
Manners and hospitality of the Americans
Advantages of settling on the prairies
Remarks and observations useful to emigrants
Catalogue of plants ....

289
391
394
296

317

TRAVELS IN THE INTERIOR OF
AMERICA

On the 31st December, 1809, I arrived at St. Louis,
in Upper Louisiana; intending to make that town
or neighbourhood my principal place of residence,
whilst employed in exploring the interior of Upper
Louisiana and the Illinois Territory, for the purpose
of discovering and collecting subjects in natural history,
either new or valuable. During the ensuing spring and
summer, I made frequent excursions alone into the
wilderness, but not farther than eighty or a hundred
miles into the interior. In the autumn of 1810 I dis-
patched for Orleans, in seven packages, the result of
my researches; but had the mortification, soon after,
to hear that the boat containing my collection had been
driven ashore and damaged, on an island near St.
Genevieve,' sixty miles below St. Louis. As soon as I
received this information I went thither, but learned
that the boat had been repaired, and had [18] proceeded
on her voyage. On my return to St. Louis, I was in-
formed that a party of men had arrived from Canada,
with an intention to ascend the Missouri, on their way
to.the Pacific Ocean, by the same route that Lewis and
Clarke had followed, by descending the Columbia River.
I soon became acquainted with the principals of this
party, in whom the manners and accomplishments of
gentlemen were united with the hardihood and capa-

' For the history o£ Ste. Geneviive, ;
its, p. a66, note 174. — En.

; Cuming's Tour, vol. i

Early Western Travels

tVol-s

bility of suffering, necessary to the backwoodsmen,
As they were apprised of the nature and object of my
mission, Mr. Wilson P. Hunt, the leader of the party,
in a very friendly and pressing manner invited me to
accompany them up the River Missouri, as far as might
be agreeable to my views.' I had intended to remove
from St. Louis to Ozark, (or more properly Aux-arcs)
on the Arkansas, and to spend the remaining summer on
that river; but considering this opportunity for explor-
ing the Missouri too valuable to be lost, I gladly
accepted the invitation, to which an acquaintance
with Messrs. Ramsey Crooks' and Donald M'Ken-

' The overland Astorian expedition which Bradbury nas inviied to
join, was led by Wilson Hunt, chief American partner of the Pacific Fur
Company. A native of New Jersey, Hunt came to St. Louis about 1804,
entering a commercial business in connection with one Hankinson. Detect-
ing the abilities and energy of the young merchant, Astor invited Hunt's
co-operation in the Astoria enterprise, and the latter dissolved his St. Louia
partnership. After the adventures of this expedition. Hunt returned to St.
Louis, where in 1831 President Monroe appointed him postmaster, a position
he retained until his death or retirement in 1840. — Ed.

'Ramsay Crooks was bom at Greenock, Scotland, in 17S7. When
but sixteen years of age be entered the service of the North West Company,
and as early as 1806 was trading in Wisconsin, under the direction of Robert
Dickson. Crooks then drifted to St. Louis (1807), and formed a fur-
trading partnership with Robert McClellan, their first enterprise being
balked by the hostility of the Teton on Missouri River. Crooks's division
of tbeoverlandexpedition to Astoria did not arrive at that place until May 11,
1812. After the failure of the project of the Pacific Fur Company, Crooks
retiuTied overland to St. Louis, arriving April 30, 1813. The following
year saw him in Colonel Croghan's unsuccessful expedition against Mackinac,
attempting to protect Astor's interests at tliat post; and in 1815 Lockwood
met bim on his way to reorganize the fur-tradtng interests at Mackinac
after its surrender to the United States — {Wisconsin Historical CnlUcliont,
ii, p. tot). When the American Fur Company absorbed the South West
Company (1817), Crooks was made a partner and the Western manager
of the business. His headquarters were in New York, but his joumeya
to the West were frequent; for many years his advent at Mackinac was the
event of the fur-trading year, la 1834, when Astor dissolved the American

i8o9-i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels

zie,' also principals of the party, was no small iDduce-
ment. As it would not be practicable to ascend the Mis-
souri until the breaking up of the ice in spring, Mr. Hunt
concluded, that to avoid the expense of supporting his
party at St. Louis, it would be better to station them dur-
ing the winter on some part of the Missouri, at a con-
siderable [19] distance above its mouth, as, at any point
on that river above the settlements, five or six hunters
can easily provide for forty or fifty men. The party
therefore quitted St. Louis, and proceeded to the
mouth of the Naduet, which falls into the Missouri 450
miles from the Mississippi,' In the beginning of March

Fur Company, Crooks bought out the Northern department, and continued
it under the same name, displaying executive abiliiy of a high order. He
died in New York in 1859. Many of his letters to the Mackinac agents are
atiU preserved there, and others by the Wisconsin Historical Society; they
are valuable as sources for the history of the fur-trade during forty yean.
Crooks was early interested in the Wisconsin Historical Sociely, and hia
portrait is found in the museum of Ihat iostilulion.— Ed.

* DonaJd McKenzie was a relative of the explorer Sir Alexander, and
had been in the North West Company before entering Astor*! employ.
Being chosen to assist in the overland division of the enterprise, he fell
aggrieved that Hunt was made chief of the party, and his dissatisfaction
rendered him indifferent to the success of the project. He joined McDougal
in propositions for surrendering Astoria to the North West Company, and
upon the consummation thereof (1813) once more entered the North West
Vmploy, returning via Canada lo Fort William, where he arrived in July,
1814. Two years later he was again upon Columbia waters. After the
fusion of the Hudson's Bay and North West companies (iSai), McKenzie
became chief factor of the former's post at Fort Garry on Red River (of
the North), and was for eight years governor of Assiniboia. In 1833 he
retired from the fur-trade, and setded at Mayville. New York, where be
died in 1S51.— Ed.

* The river is now called Nodaway. Coues, in his Biitory of Ae Lewis
o.»d Clark ExpedUicn (New York, 1S93), says thai the word is an Indian
leim for a kind of snake. It is marked on the map of the Missouri River
Ccmmismon as being five hundred and six miles above the mouth of the
river, and separates Andrew and Holt counties in Missouri. — Ed.

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

Mr. Hunt returned to St. Louis in a boat with ten oars,*
and on the morning of the 12th, having completed his
arrangements, he again embarked for the Missouri.
As the post was expected to arrive the morning follow-
ing, I put my trunks on board the boat, and determined
to wait until that time, and meet the party at St. Charles.
I must here observe, that the post to St. Louis is dis-
patched from Louisville, in Kentucky, a distance of
more than 300 miles, through a wilderness, and from
various causes is often retarded for several weeks, as
had been the case at that period. In the evening I was
informed by a gentleman in St. Louis, that a writ for
debt had been taken out against Dorion,' (whom Mr.
Hunt had engaged as interpreter) by a person whose
object was to defeat the intentions of the voyage.
Knowing that the detention of Dorion would be of
serious consequence to the party, I left St. Louis at two
o'clock the following morning, in company with a
young Englishman of the name of Nuttall,' determined

' Irving, who had access to tbe records of the Pad£c Fur CompaDy, says
in Astoria that Himl left the Nodaway January i for Si. Louis, where
he arrived on the twentieth of the same month. In consideration of the
business incident to the expedition, ihii would seem more probable than
Bradbury's dates. — Ed.

' Pierre Dorion (Durion) the elder was an early habitant of St. Louis,
who having taken the oath of fidelity to the Uoiled States upon the conquest
of Illinois by George Rogers Clark, requested penniasion lo remove to
Cahokia tn 1780 (see original letter in Draper MSS., Wisconsin Historical
Library, 50 J 34). Later he lived among the Yankton Sioui where was
bom the younger Dorion, son of a Sioui woman. Both of the Dorions
were utilized as interpreters by Lewis and Clark. The younger performed
important services for the Astorians, but was killed by an Indian on the
Boise River, Idaho. His wife and two sons were living in Oregon as late
u 1850.— Ed.

■ Thomas Nuttall was a Yorkshireman, who having emigrated to Phila-
delphia as a journeyman printer, attracted the notice of Dr. B. S. Barton,

1809-1811I Bradbury's Travels 39

to meet the boat previous to its arrival at St. Charles,
which I effected ; and Dorion was sent into the woods,
[20] his squaw accompanying him. We arrived at St.
Charles* about noon, and soon after Mr. Samuel
Bridge, a gentleman from Manchester, then living at
St. Louis, arrived also, with letters for me from Europe,
the post having come in as was expected. We slept
on board the boat, and in the morning of the 14th took
our departure from St. Charles, the Canadians measur-
ing the strokes of their oars by songs, which were gen-
erally responsive betwixt the oarsmen at the bow and
those at the stem: sometimes the steersman sung, and
was chorused by the men.'" We soon met with Dor-

Ihe well-known Philadelphia sdeolist. The latter persuaded Nutlall to
devote himself to science, in whose interests he made extensive jouiueja into
the interior of North America. From iSii-aS he was professor at Harvard,
and curator of the botanical gardens. After a joumej to the Columbia
(1834-35), he returned to England, where he passed the remainder of hia
life on an estate near Liverpool, dying in 1859. Fot a more detailed sketch
of Nultall, see preface to his TraiitU into the Arkansas Territory, to be pub-
liihed as volume nii of the present series.^ Ed.

' St. Charles was a small town on the north side, about Iwenty-one milea
above the mouth of the Missouri. When Lewis and Clark embarked from
here in 1804, they described ii as stretching for nearly a mile along the bonk,
having one hundred houses and aboul four hundred and fifty population,
"Chiefly French." See Tbwailes, Original Joumais 0} Leans and Clark
Expedition (New York, 1904), i, p. 18.— Eo.

'*A few verses of one of their mosi favourile songs is annexed; and to
ibow its frivolity to those unacquainted with the language, an ji
P.ngli.h is added.

I
Derriere chtz nous, il y 3 un etang.

Ye, ye ment.
Trois canards s'cn vont baignons,
Tous du 16Qg de la rivii^re,
Leg^r^ment ma bergtre,

Le^rement, ye ment.

Early Western Travels

[Vol-s

ion, but [21] without his squaw, whom it was intended
should accompany us. They had quarrelled, and he
had [32] beaten her, in consequence of which she ran

Trois can&rdi s'cn voat bdgnuu,

Ye, ye mcnt.
Le fils du roi s'en va chassant,
Toua du lAog de la rivAr^
LegtremeDl ma bergftre,

LegiremcDt, ye ment.

Ill

Le fils du loi s'<

Ycycn
Avec ton grand fiuil d 'argent,
ToU3 du lOug dc la livito,
Legtremuit, ma bergtrc,

Legferemcnt, yc meot. — I

I
Behind our bouse theie 1* a pond.

Fal Ul de ra.
There came Ihiee ducks to swim thereon:
All along the river clear.
Lightly my shepherdeu dear,

Lightly, fal de ra.

There came three ducks to swim thereon,

Fal ial de ra.
The prince 10 chase Ihem he did run
Alt along the river dear,
Lightly my shepherdess dear.

Lightly, fal de ra.

Ill

The prince to chase them he did run,

Fal Ial dc ra.
And be had his great silver gun
All along the river dear,
Lightly my shepherdess dear,

Lightly, fal de ra.— &c. &c.— Bradbuby.

1809-1811]

Bradbury's Travels

away from him into the woods, with a child in her arms,
and a large bundle on her back. A Canadian of the
name of St. Paul was sent in search of her. The day
was very rainy, and we proceeded only nine miles, to
Bon Homme Island, where we encamped, and St.
Paul arrived, but without the squaw. I observed in
the broken banks of this island, a number of tuberous
roots, which the Canadians call pommes de terre.
They are eaten by them, and also by the Indians, and
have much of the consistence and taste of the Jerusalem
artichoke: they are the roots of glycine apios.

15th. — About two hours before day, we were hailed
from the shore by Dorion's squaw, who had been
rambling all night in search of us. She was informed,
that we would cross over to her at daybreak, which we
did, and took her on board. I walked the greater part
of this day on the north side of the river, which is partly
bounded by rocks of secondary lime-stone; at the foot
of which I observed crystals of quartz and calcarious
spar, or carbonate of lime. We encamped opposite
the remains of the village of St. Andrew, which is now
abandoned."

i6th. — We this day passed the Tavern Rocks, so
called from a large cave therein, level with the [23] sur-
face of the river." These rocks are nearly three hundred
feet high, and are of the same nature as those we passed

" St. Andrews was a small settlement laid ofi by John Henry in St. Louis
County, early in the nineteenth century. It attained little note, and its
ute is now engulfed in the Missouri River. — Ed.

" This cave is noted by all early travellers. The French traders bod
scrawled names upon its walls, and painted images thereupon, which the
Indians regarded with superstitious awe. It appears to have taken its
from being a well-known lodging or camping place. — Ed.

Early Western Travels

yesterday, but more abundantly filled ft-ith organic
remains, consisting of anomim and entrochii. On
the islands which we passed there is abundance of
equisetum hyemale, called rushes by the settlers, by
whom this plant is held in high estimation, on account
of its affording winter food for their cattle. On the
first settlement of Kentucky, the borders of the rivers
were found to be thickly set with cane, {arundinaria
macrosperma of Michaux) and it was one of the strong-
est inducements with the first settlers to fix on a spot
if cane was abundant. On the Missouri, the rushes are
equafiy valuable, affording to the first settler winter
food for his cattle for several years, after which they
perish, being destroyed if fed on during the winter.
We this night arrived at Point L'Abaddie, where we
encamped."

17th. — Early this morning I walked along the river,
and was much struck with the vast size to which the
cotton wood tree" grows. Many of those which I
observed this day exceed seven feet in diameter, and
continue with a thickness very little diminished, to the
height of 80 or 90 feet, where the limbs commence.
After breakfast, we [24] crossed to the north side of
the river, and in the afternoon landed at a French
village, name Charette," In the woods surrounding

" Point L'Abbadie was named for an early French setller, Sylvester
L'Abbadie, who came to St. Louis in 1769 and married one of the Chouteau
sisters. He became a prominent merchant in the dly, dying in 1794. — Ed.

" Popuius atigulosa of Michaiu, called by the French lioid. — Bbas-
BUKY.

" 1a Charette (sometimes called St. Johtis) was a French outpost in the
Missouri Valley, founded probably as early as 1766. When Lewis and
Clark passed here they described it in their journals as composed of seven
small bouses and as many poor families, the last establishment of whites
upon the Missouri. The site of the town baa long since been swept away

iSog-iSii]

Bradbury's Travels

this place I observed a striking instance of the indolence
of the inhabitants. The rushes in the neighbourhood
had been ab-eady destroyed by the cattle, and from the
neglect of the owners to provide winter food for their
horses, they had been reduced to the necessity of gnaw-
ing the bark off the trees, some hundreds of which were
stripped as far as these animals could reach. The
cotton wood, elm, mulberry, and netUe trees {celiis
crassijolia) suffered the most. On leaving Charette, |
Mr. Hunt pointed out to me an old man standing on
the bank, who, he informed me, was Daniel Boone,
the discoverer of Kentucky. As I had a letter of intro-
duction to him, from his nephew Colonel Grant, I
went ashore to speak to him, and requested that the
boat might go on, as I intended to walk until evening.
I remained for some time in conversation with him.
He informed me, that he was eighty-four years of age;
that he had spent a considerable portion of his time
alone in the back woods, and had lately returned from
his spring hunt, with nearly sixty beaver skins." On

bj the encroai^hmeDts of the river. It was near the present Marthssville,
Warren County.— Ed.

" Daniel Boone migrated (o Missouri in 1798, wben il was still Spanish
territory, and served for some years as syndic of the Ferome Osage district,
whetein his sons and several friends from Kentucky had settled. His
son-in-law, Flanders Callaway, removed to the neighborhood of La Charette
»boui 1800. Boone, in his ialer life, usually made his home with the Calla-
ways. Biadhury was in error in regard to Boone's age, as the records show
and he himself frequently stated that he was bom in 1734. He was but
eighty-six years old when he died in 1810. For further details of his later
year^ see Thwaites, Daniei Boone (New York, igoi). Israel Grant of
Scott County, Kentucky, married Susan Bryan, a niece of Mis. Boone.
His son, Israel B., was a silversmith, who after emigrating to Missouri
worked for some years at his trade in St. Louis, where Bradbury probably
knew him. Later, Grant took up land in Callaway County, and became
a local magistrate, serving twice in the slate legislature. He was killed tn
1835 by two of his slaves. — Ed.

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

proceeding through the woods, I came to the river Char-
ette, which falls into the Missouri about a mile above
the village, and was now much swelled by the late
rains. As the boat had disappeared behind an island,
and was at too great a distance to [25] be hailed, I got
across by swimming, having tied my clothes together,
and inclosed them in my deer skin hunting coat, which
I pushed before me. I overtook the boat in about three
hours, and we encamped at the mouth of a creek called
BcEuf, near the house of one Sullens. I enquired of
Sullens for John Colter," one of Lewis and Clarke's
party, whom General Clark had mentioned to me as
being able to point out the place on the Missouri where
the petrified skeleton of a fish, above forty feet long, had
been foimd. Sullens informed me that Colter lived
about a mile from us, and sent his son to inform him of
our arrival; but we did not see him that evening.

1 8th. — At day-break Sullens came to our camp, and
informed us that Colter'* would be with us in a [26] few

" John Colter (or Coaller) wbs of Virginian birth, but afterwards lived
ftt Maysville, Kentucky, where he joined the Lewis and Clark expeditioii
in the tall of iSoj. On the return journey, Colter was discharged at his
own request near Fort Mandan, whence he went back to the wilderness on
another trapping expedition. In the spring of 1S07, as be was returning
to civilization, he met the brigade of the Missouri Fur Company, and was
persuaded to accompany them to the waters of the Yellowstone. Id the
summer of that year he was the first while man to cross what is now the Yel-
lowstone National Pajk. It is supposed that the adventure here related
by Bradbury occurred in the spring of 1808, when Colter had been sent
on an embassy to the Blackfeet Indians. The meedng described by Brad-
bury is our last poaidve knowledge of this intrepid eTpIorer; but the M\3-
iMirt Gateltt (December 11, 1813) reports administration of the estate of a
"John Coulter deceased," who may have been the same man. — Ed.

" This man came to St. Louis in May, iSro, in a small canoe, from the
bead waters of the Missouri, a distance of three thousand milfs, which he
traversed in thirty days. I saw him on his arrival, and received from him

iSog-iSii]

Bradbury's Travels

minutes. Shortly after he arrived, and accompanied
us for some miles, but could not give me [27] the infor-
mation I wished for. He seemed to have a great

ao account of his advenlures after he had separated from Lewis and Clarke's
party; one of these, from its singularity, I shall relate. On the arrival of the
paity on the head waters of the Missouri, Colter, observing an appearance of
abundance of beaver being there, he got permission to remain and hunt
for some dme, which he did in company with a man of the name of Dixon,
who had travcrwd the immense: tract of country from St. Louis to the head
wateis of (he Missouii alone. Soon after he separated from Dixon, and
trapped in company with a hunter named Potts; and aware of the hostility
of the Blsckfeet Indians, one of whom had been killed by Lewis, they set
their traps at night, and look them up early in the morning, remaining con-
cealed during the day. They were examining their traps early one morning,
in a creek about si* miles from that branch of the Missouri called Jefferson's
Fork, and were ascending in a canoe, when they suddenly heard a great
noise, resembling the trampling of animals; but they could not ascertain
the fact, as the high perpendicular banks on each side of the river impeded
their view. Colter immediately pronounced it to be occasioned by Indians,
and advised an instant retreat; but was accused of cowardice by Potts, who
insisted that the noise was caused by buffaloes, and they proceeded on. In
a few minutes afterwards their doubts were removed, by a party of Indians
making their appearance on both sides of the creek, to the amount of five
or six hundred, who beckoned them to come ashore. As retreat was now
impossible. Colter turned the head of the canoe to the shore; and at the
moment of its touching, an Indian seized the riSe belonging to Potts; but
Colter, who is a remarkably strong man, immediately retook it, and handed
it to Potts, who remained in the canoe, and on receiving it pushed off into
the river. He had scarcely quitted the shore when an arrow was shot at
him, and he cried out, "ColUr, I am wounded." Colter remonstrated with
him on the folly of attempting to escape, and urged him to come ashore.
Instead of complying, he instantly levelled his ride at an Indian, and shot
him dead on the spot. This conduct, situated as he was, may appear to
have been an act of madness; but it was doubtless the effect of sudden, but
sound reasoning; for if taken alive, he must have expected to be tortured to
death, according to their custom. He was instantly pierced with arrows so
numerous, that, to use the language of Cotter, ' ' kt v/as made a riddle of' '
They now seized Colter, stripped bim entirely naked, and began to consult
ott the manner in which he should be put to death. They were first inclined
to set him up as a mark to shoot at; but the chief interfered, and seizing him
by the shoulder, asked him if he could run fast ? Colter, who had been
some time amongst the Kee-kat-sa, or Crow Indians, had in a considerable
degree acquired the filackfoot language, and was also well acquainted with

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

inclination to accompany the expedition; [28] but hav-
ing been lately married, he reluctantly took leave of us.
I walked this day along the bluffs, [29] which were

Indian customs. He knew Uiat he had now lo nin for hi» life, wlh the
dreadful odds of five or six hundred against him, and those armed Indians;
therefore cunningly replied that he was a veiy bad runner, although he was
conaidered by the hunters as remarkably swift. The chief now commanded
the party lo remain stationary, and led Colter out on the prairie three or (our
hundred yards, and released him, bidding him lo lave himself ij kt could.
At that instant the horrid war whoop sounded in the ears of poor Colter,
who, urged with the hope of preserving life, ran with a speed at which he
was himself surprised. He proceeded towards the Jefferson Fork, having
to traverse a plain six miles in breadth, abounding with the prickly pear,
on which he was every instant treading with his naked feet. He ran nearly
half way across the plain before he ventured to took over his shoulder, when
he perceived that the Indians were very much scattered, and that he had
gained ground to a considerable distance from the main body; but one
Indian, who carried a spear, was much before all the rest, and not mon than
a hundred yards from him. A faint gteam of hope now cheered the heart
of Colter: he derived confidence from the belief that escape was within the
bounds of possibility; but that confidence was nearly being fatal to him, for
he exerted himself to such a degree, that the blood gushed from his nostriU,
and »oa almost covGrcd the fore part of his body. He had aon arrivnl
within a mile of the river, when he distinctly heard the appalling sound of
footsteps behind him, and every instant expected to feel the spear of his
pursuer. Agaiti he turned his head, and saw the savage not twenty yards
from him. Determined if possible to avoid the expected blow, he suddenly
stopped, turned round, and spread out his arms. The Indian, surprised
by the suddenness of the action, and perhaps at the bloody appearance of
Colter, also attempted to slop; but exhausted with tunning, he fell whilst
endeavouring to throw his spear, which stuck in the ground, and broke in
his hand. Colter instantly snatched up the pointed part, with which he
pinned him lo the earth, and then continued his flight. The foremost of
the Indians, on arriving at the place, stopped till others came up to join
them, when they set up a hideous yell. Every moment of Ibis time was im-
proved by Colter, who, although fainting and exhausted, succeeded in gain-
ing the skirting of the cotton wood trees, on the borders of the fork, through
which he ran, and plunged into the river. Fortunately for him, a little below
this place there was an island, against the upper point of which a raft of
drift limber had lodged. He dived under [he raft, and after several efforts,
got his head above water amongst the trunks of trees, covered over with
smaller wood to the depth of several feet. Scarcely had he secured himself,
when the Indians arrived on the river, screeching and yelling, as Colter

I809-ISII1

Bradbury's Travels

beautifully adorned with anemone hepaiica. We en-
camped near the lower end of Lutre (Otter) Island."

The 19th commenced and continued rainy. — When
we had passed the lower settlements, we began to see
the river and its borders in a state of nature. The
rushes, equisetum hyemale, were so thick and tall, that
it was both painful and difficult to walk along, even at a
very slow pace.

20th. — The river on the south side, during this
day's travel, is mostly bounded by bluffs, or rocks, of
whitish limestone: their appearance is very picturesque;
the tops are crowned with cedar, and the ledges and
chinks are adorned with mespUus Canadensis, now in
flower. We encamped this night seven miles above
the mouth of Gasconade River.

2ist. — The rain, which had been almost incessant
since our departure from St. Charles, had now ceased.

expressed it, "like so many devils." They were frequeatly on the raft
during the day, and were seen through the chinks by Colter, who was con-
gratulating himself on bis escape, until the idea arose that they might set
the raft on fire. In horrible suspense he remained until night, when hearing
DO more of the Indians, he dived from under the raft, and swam silently
down the river lo a. considerable distance, when he landed, and travelled
all night. Although happy in having escaped from the Indians, his situa-
tion was still dreadful: he was completely naked, under a burning sun; the
soles of his feel were entirely filled with the thorns of the prickly pear; he
was hungry, and had no means of killing game, although he saw abundance
around him, and was at least seven days journey from Lisa's Fort, on the
Bighorn branch of the Roche Jaune River. These were circumstances
under which almost any man but an American hunter would have despaired.
Be arrivEd at the fort in seven days, having subsisted on a root much esteemed
by the Indians of the Missouri, now known by naturalists as psoraUa tscu-
fenJa. — BBAOBtnv.

" Loutre (or Otter) Island waa first settled in iSog, by an English emi-
grant named Hale Talbott. Not tar from this place occurred the Indian
ambuscade wherein Captain James Callaway, grandson of Daniel Boone,
was slain (i8is).— Ei>.

Early JVestem Travels

[30] I went ashore, after breakfast, intending to walk
along the blufEs, and was followed by Mr. Nuttall.
We observed that the boat immediately passed over to
the other side of the river, on account of its being more
easy to ascend. As this sometimes happened several
times in a day, we felt no concern about it, but pro-
ceeded on our researches. In the forenoon we came
to a creek or river, much swelled by the late rains: I
was now surprised to find that Mr. Nuttall could not
swim. As we had no tomahawk, nor any means of
constructing a raft, and were certain that the boat
was before us, we looked for no alternative but to cross
the creek by fording it. We therefore continued to
ascend, and in about half an hour arrived at a place
where a tree had fallen in on the opposite side of the
river, which reached about half way across it. I
stripped, and attempted to wade it, but found it im-
practicable. I then offered to take Nuttall on my
back, and swim over with him; but he declined, and we
contmued our route. About a league further up, we
found a raft of drift-wood, which had been stopped by a
large tree that had fallen into the river; this we crossed
and with some difficulty overtook the boat. We ar-
rived at a French village, called Cote sans Dessein,
about two miles below the mouth of Osage River."
After we had formed our camp, the interpreter went
into the village, where he had some acquaintance. On
his return, he informed us that [31] there was a war

'" COte sans Deisein was a. French scltlement begun about 1808, three
years previous to this voyage. One of the most stubborn defenses during
the War of 1813-15 occurred here, wherein Baptisle Louis Roi, with two
men aod two women, in a blockhouse fort kept a large number of sav^ES
at bay for some hours, and finally caused their retreat. The town was m
the present Barkeisville. — Ed.

i8o9-i8ti]

Bradbury's Travels

party of Indians in the neighbourhood, consisting of
the Ayauwais, Potowatomies, Sioux, and Saukee
nations, amounting to nearly three hundred warriors.*'
He had learned, that this party were going against the
Osages; but having discovered that there was an Osage
boy in the village, they were waiting to catch and scalp
him. He also informed us, that we might expect to
fall in with other war parties crossing the Missouri
higher up. This was unpleasant news to us, as it is
always desirable that white men should avoid meeting
with Indian war parties: for if they are going to war,
they are generally associated in larger parties than can
subsist by hunting, from which they refrain, to prevent
being discovered by their enemies, wherefore they are
almost certain to levy contributions of provisions or
ammunition on all they meet. When they return from
war, the danger is still greater; for, if successful, they
often commit wanton ravages; and if unsuccessftil, the
shame of returning to their nation without having per-
formed any achievement, often induces them to attack
those whom they would, in other circumstances, have
peaceably passed. As we were sixteenmen, well armed,
we were determined to resist any act of aggression, in
case of a rencontre with them.

22nd, 23rd, and 24th. — Almost incessant rain.

" Tribes living at this time about the borders of tlie present state of
Iowa. The Sioux vere probably the Yaoktoa branch, with whom the other
tribes mentioned were at peace, the rest of the great Sioux nation being
their inveterate enemies. The Iowa (Ayauwais) were of Siouan stock, and
had their chief village on the Des Moines River. The Potawatomi and
Sauk were Algonquian tribes, formerly resident in Wisconsin, who at this
time had their chief villages west of the Mississippi. The Sauk had amal-
gamalcd with the Foxes, and were usually spoken of as the ' ' Sauks and
Foxes." Indians of all these tribes still live on government ri
Iowa, Kansas, and Indian Territory. — £d.

50 Karly Western Travels [Vol. s

Our bread was now becoming very mouldy, not [32]
having been properly baked. Mr. Hunt anxiously
waited for a fine day to dry it, together with the rest of
the ba^age.

25th. — Met a boat with sixteen oars coming from
Fort Osage to St. Louis, for supplies: news had arrived
at the fort, that the Great Osages had lately killed an
American at their village.**

26th. — It rained nearly the whole of this day: the
flats near the river still continue to be so thickly cov-
ered with rushes, that it is almost impossible to travel
over them.

27th. — The north bank of the river now assumes a
most interesting appearance: it consists of a range of
rocks, nearly perpendicular, from 150 to 300 feet high;
they are composed of a very white limestone, and their
summits are covered to the edge with cedar. The
length of this range is about six miles, and at the upper
end they assume a semi-circular form. These are called
the Manitou Rocks, a name given to them by the In-
dians, who often apply this term Manitou to uncommon
or singular productions of nature, which they highly
venerate. On or near these Manitous, they chiefly
deposit their offerings to the Great Spirit or Father of
Life. This has caused some to believe that these Mani-
tous are the objects that they worship; but this opinion
is erroneous. The Indians believe that the [33] Great

" The Osage Indians were a large tribe of Siouan stock, dwelling chieflj
00 Ihe river lo which they gave theit name. They were divided into three
b&nds — the Great Osage, Little Osage, and Arkansas band (t. e., those
rr of thai oame). Lewis and Clark praised their physical
appearance and advance in agriculture. They still have a population of
about eighteen hundred in Indian Territory.— Ed.

jSog-iSii

Bradbury's Travels

Spirit either inhabits, or frequently visits, these mani-
festations of his power; and that offerings deposited
there, will sooner attract his notice, and gain his aus-
pices, than in any other, place. These offerings are
propitiatory, either for success in war or in hunting,
and consist of various articles, of which the feathers of
the war eagle (jalco tnelametos) are in the greatest esti-
mation. On these rocks several rude figures have
been drawn by the Indians with red paint: they are
chiefly in imitation of buffaloe, deer, &c. One of these,
according with their idea of the Great Spirit, is not un-
like our common representation of the devil. We en- I
camped this night a little above the mouth of the Bonne
Femme, a small river on the north side,** where the
tract of land called Boone's Lick settlement commences,
supposed to be the best land in Western America for
so great an area: it extends about 150 miles up the Mis-
souri, and is near fifty miles in breadth.

28th. — I left the boats early, intending to walk to
the Lick settlements, which are the last on the river,
excepting those occupied by one or two families near
Fort Osage. After travelling eight or ten miles, I was
surprised in the woods by a severe thunder storm.
Not knowing whether I could reach the settlements
before night, I returned to meet the boat, and found
our two hunters, who [34] had sheltered themselves in
a hollow tree: they had killed a buck, on a part of which
we dined, and carried the remainder to the boat, and
soon after we arrived at the first house, belonging to a

" Lewis and Clark note tbese painted rocka, and describe one as having
the bust of a man and the horns of a stag. The Bonne Femme River is in
Howard County, Missouri. — Ed.

s«

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

planter named Hibband." This evening we had a
most tremendous thunder storm; and about nineo'clock,
a tree, not more than fifty yards from our camp, was
shivered by Hghtning. Mr. Hunt, Mr. Nuttall, and
myself, who were sitting in the tent, sensibly felt the
action of the electric fluid.

29th. — As Mr. Hunt had some business with one of
the settlers, we walked to his house, where we heard
that war had aheady commenced between the Osages
and the confederate nations, and that the former had
killed seven of the Ayauways. This determined us to
continue our practice of sleeping on our arms, as we
had done since the 21st. We slept this night about a
league above the settlements.

30th. — We were now beyond all the settlements,
except those at Fort Osage, and Mr. Hunt resolved to
send the hunters out more frequently, as game might
now be expected in abundance. I accompanied them,
and we killed a buck and a doe. I found the country,
three or four miles from the river, very broken or stony.
The almost incessant rains bad now raised the Missouri

" Boone's IJck waa discovered earlj in the nineteenth centui7 — posii-
bly by Daniel Boone, upon one of his long hunting excursions — but took
Its name from his sons, Daniel Morgan and Nathan, who came hither In
1807 to make salt. The next year some emigrants moved to the neighbor-
hood, but GoTcmor Meriwether Lewis sent them word of his inability to
protect so distant an outpost, whereupon Ihey returned to the older settle-
ments. The second colony came to this region in 1810. Although but a
year old at the time Bradbury passed, the settlement already coniained
■eventy-&ve families, and Boone's Lick road became one of the bcst-traveUed
in the Missouri District. Brackenridge calls this "by far the best settle-
inenl on the Missouri," Vixws oj Louisiana (Pittsburgh, 1814), p. iis-
The settler Bradbury calls Hibband was probably Hubbard, several of
that name being in iSil at Fort Eincaid, about a mile north of where the
Missouri, Kansas 81 Texas Railway crosses the river. — Ed.

i8o9-iSii]

Bradbury's Travels

to within a few [35] feet of its annual flood, which ren-
dered the navigation very difficult.

31st. — The morning was rainy, and was succeeded
by a strong north wind, which caused a sudden change
in the temperature of the weather: the 30th had been
warm, but this night the water, in a tin cup of a pint
measure, that had been left full in the boat, was foimd to
be nearly all solid ice on the morning of the first of April.

April I St. — After breakfast I went ashore with the
two hunters, Harrington and Mears, but soon separated
from them in order to visit the bluffs. In the evening
I descended into the valley, and on my way to find the
boat, observed a skunk," {Viverra mephitis) and being
desirous of procuring the skin, fired at it, but with shot
only, having that day [36] taken out my fowling-piece
instead of my rifle. It appeared that I had either
missed entirely, or only shghtly wounded it, as it turned
round instantly, and ran towards me. Being well
aware of the consequence if overtaken, I fled, but was
so closely pursued, that I was under the necessity of
re-loading whilst in the act of running. At the next
discharge I killed it ; but as it had ejected its offensive
liquor upon its tail, I could not touch it, but cut a slender
vine, of which I made a noose, and dragged my prize

* This animal in ils defence discharges a few drops of a liquid so foetid,
fliat the stench can scarcely be endured by any animal. Clothes on which
the smallest particle hni fallen, must be buried in the earth for at least a
month before they can be worn. This liquor ts highly inflammable, and it
Kcreted in a gland beneath the tail, fram which it is thrown with a force th&t
will carry it to the distance of three or four yards. Only a very few of the
American dogs can be induced to attack il, and thoEe arc ao powerful!]'
affected by the horrid stench, that they continue to bowl for a considerable
time afterwards, and instinctively relieve themselves by scratching holes in
the earth, into which Ihey put their nose. — BRADBUXy.

Early Western Travels

[Vols

to the boat. I found that the Canadians considered it
as a delicacy, and were desirous of procuring it to eat:
this enabled me to obtain the skin without having to
perform the disgusting operation of taking it off myself.
Soon after my arrival, Harrington came in, and brought
the intelligence that they had killed a large bear about
four miles off. He had left Mears engaged in skinning
it, and came to request that one or two men might be
sent to assist in fetching it in. As it was near night, Mr.
Hunt determined to stop, and two of the Canadians
were sent along with Harrington; I jdso accompanied
them. Although our course lay through a very thick
wood, Harrington led us with great precision towards
the place, and when he supposed himself near it, he
stopped, and we gave a shout. In a few seconds after-
wards we heard the discharge of a rifle, and also a shout
from Mears, who was within two hundred [37] yards
of us. On joining him we were surprised to find that
he had two bears. He informed us, that after the de-
parture of Harrington he re-loaded his rifle, and laid it
beside him whilst he was skinning and cutting up the
bear: he had nearly completed this operation, when he
heard a rustling, as if an animal was coming towards
him. To defend himself, he seized his piece, and at the
moment we shouted, a bear appeared in view. Not
seeing Mears, he laid his fore paws on the trunk of a
fallen tree, and turned his head to look back. Mears
could not have wished for a better opportunity; he shot
him through the head. The bears were very large,
and as the night had set in before the latter was skinned
and cut up, it was too late to send to the boat for assist-
ance: I therefore offered to carry a part, provided they

I809-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

would allot to me the skins, as they were the only dean
part of the spoil. This proposition was agreed to,
and we set out. Before we had proceeded far, it became
quite dark, which caused us to take a wrong direction,
that led to a swamp. In addition to our difficulties,
the underwood consisted chiefly of the prickly ash,
{zanlhoxylon clava Hercules) by which our faces and
hands were continually scratched: there was also an
abundance of small prickly vines entwined among the
bushes, of a species of smtlax. These were easily
avoided during [38] day-light, but they were now almost
every instant throwing some of us down. Whilst we
were deUberating whether it would not be advisable to
stop, make a fire, and remain there during the night,
we heard the report of a gun, which we thought pro-
ceeded from the boat: we therefore steered our course
in the direction of the sound. Shortly afterwards we
perceived before us a light glimmering through the trees,
and in less than half an hour we had a full view of it.
Mr. Hunt, from our long delay, had become apprehen-
sive of what had really happened, viz. that we had lost
our way, and having observed near the camp a very
large cotton-wood tree, which was dead, Jind evidently
hollow, he caused a hole to be cut into the cavity near
the root, and a quantity of dry weeds being put in, it
was set on fire. The trunk was at least seventy or
eighty feet in length before the broken limbs com-
menced; several of these projected eight or ten feet, and
were also hollow. The flames, impelled by so long a
column of rarefied air, issued from the top, and from
the ends of the limbs, with a surprising force, and with
a noise equal to that of a blast furnace. Although

Jfi

E^rly Western Travels

[Vol.5

smarting with pain, weary, wet, and hungry, not having
eaten any thing since morning, I sat down to enjoy the
scene, and have seldom witnessed one more magnifi-
cent. On relating to the hunters this evening that I had
[39] been pursued by a skunk, they laughed heartily,
and said it was no uncommon thing, having been often
in the same predicament themselves.

2nd. — We this day passed the scite of a village on
the north-east side of the river, once belonging to the
Missouri tribe. Four miles above it are the remains of
Fort Orleans, formerly belonging to the French; it is
240 miles from the mouth of the Missouri." We passed
the mouth of La Grande Riviere, near which I first
observed the appearance of prairie" on the allu-

* The Missouri Indians, from whom the river takes its name, were ■
proaaoent tribe of Siouan stock, who appear lo have lived originally al the
mouth of the river; but about the beginning of the eighteenth century they
bad Riovt^ up to '^'^ pLace, where their principal village was founil by cbtIj
French eiploreis. The Spaniards, aJanned by the alliance of these Indians
with the French, sent an expedition (1710) against them, which was, bow*
erer, betrayed into the hands of the savages and cut off to a man. The
commandant in Illinois thereupon (1713) sent De Boui^emont to found an
outpost upon the Missouri. This was the origin of Fort Orleans, whose
dte cannot now be definitely determined, owing to the changes of the river
bed. Du Pratz, Histoire de la Loitisioite (Paris, 1758), places it upon an
Island in the river. Lewis and Clark speak of all traces thereof being gone.
The fort was abandoned in 1726. Later, the French had another post upon
the Missouri, among the Kansas Indians. See note 37, post. W. B.
Douglas, of St. Louis, thinks that Fort Orleans was just above the mouth
of Wakenda Creek, in the present Carroll County, which, is a little below
the former mouth of the Grand River. — - Ed.

" Prairie is the term given to such tracts of land as are divested of lim-
ber. In travelling west from the Allcghanics they occur more frequently,
ftnd are of greater extent as we approach the Mississippi. When we proceed
to the distance of two or three hundred miles west of that river, the whole
country is of this description, which continues lo (he Rocky Mountains
westward, and from the head waters of the Mississippi to near the Gulf of
Meiico; an ertent of territory which probably equals in area the whole
empire of China. — BaADBiniY.

I809-I81I

Bradbury's Travels

vion of the river. Our hunters went out, but soon re-
turned without attempting to kill any thing, having
heard some shots fired, which they discovered proceeded
from Indians in pursuit of elk. The navigation had
been very difficult for some days, on account of the
frequent occurrence of, what is termed by the boatmen,
embarras. They are formed by large trees falling into
the river, where it has undermined the banks. Some
of these trees remain still attached by their [40] roots
to the firm ground, and the drift-wood being collected
by the branches, a dam of the length of the tree is
formed, round the point of which the water runs with
such velocity, that in many instances it is impossible to
stem it. On account of these obstacles, we were fre-
quently under the necessity of crossing the river. This
day the carcases of several drowned buffaloes passed
us.

3rd.— I walked the greatest part of the day, but
found it troublesome, being much annoyed by the
prickly ash. In the evening we had another severe
thunder storm.

4th. — The navigation became less difficult, as the
river had fallen four feet.

5th. — Went out with the hunters, who shot nothing
but a goose, {anas Canadensis) that was sitting on a
tree beside its nest, in which was the female. Ob-
served for the first time that the rocks bordering the
river were sandstone. In these I found nodules of
iron ore imbedded.

6th. — Walked all day, and in the afternoon met the
hunters, who had found a bee tree," and were [41] re-

" The tenn given in America to a hallow tcce, coDtainiog a swana of

Early Western Travels

[Vol.5

turning to the boat for a bucket, and a hatchet to cut
it down. I accompanied them to the tree. It con-
tained a great number of combs, and about three gal-
lons of honey. The honey bees have been introduced
into this continent from Europe, but at what time I
have not been able to ascertain. Even if it be admitted
that they were brought over soon after the first settle-
ment took place, their increase since appears astonish-
ing, as bees are found in all parts of the United States;
and since they have entered upon the fine countries of
the Illinois and Upper Louisiana, their progress west-
ward has been surprisingly rapid. It is generally known
in Upper Louisiana, that bees had not been found west-
ward of the Mississippi prior to the year 1797-" They
are now found as high up the Missouri as the Maha
nation, having moved westward to the distance of 600
miles in fourteen years. Their extraordinary pro-
gress in these parts is probably owing to a portion of the
country being prairie, and yielding therefore a suc-
cession of flowers during the whole summer, which is
not the case in forests. Bees [42] have spread over this
continent in a degree, and with a celerity so nearly
corresponding with that of the Anglo-Americans, that
it has given rise to a belief, both amongst the Indians
and the Whites, that bees are their precursors, and that
to whatever part they go the white people wUl follow.
I am of opinion that they are right, as I think it as im-

'* At that time the natural history of the bee was not veiy well known at
St. Louis. They relate there, that a French Udy of that place having re-
ceived a present of honey from Kaalcasldas, was much delighted with it,
and being (old it was produced by a kind of fly, she sent a negro with a imall
box to Kaskaskiaa (60 miles) to get a pair ol the flies, in order that she
might obtain the breed. — Bradbury.

iSog-iSii]

Bradbury's Travels

possible to stop the progress of the one as of the other.
We encamped this night at the bottom of an island.

7th.— This morning I went upon the island, ac-
companied by one of the Frenchmen named Guardep^e,
to look for game. We were wholly unsuccessful in our
pursuit, although the island is of considerable extent.
On arriving at the upper end of it, we perceived a small
island, of about two acres, covered with grass only,
and separated from the large one by a narrow channel,
the mouth of which was covered with drift timber. We
passed over, and walked through the grass, and having
given up all hopes of game, we were proceeding to the
river to wait for the boat, when my companion, who
was before me, suddenly stopped, fired, and jumped
aside, crying out, "Fot/a, O diable^ tirez," at the same
time pointing towards the grass a few steps before him.
I looked, and saw a bear not five yards from us. I im-
mediately fired, and we retired to a short distance to
reload, but on our [43] return found the animal expiring.
It was a female, with three small cubs in her bed, about
two yards from where she was killed. She had heard
us approach, and was advancing to defend them. I
took one of the cubs in my arms. It seemed sensible
of its misfortune, and cried at intervals. It was evi-
dent that whenever it uttered a cry, the convulsions of
the dying mother increased, and I really felt regret that
we had so suddenly cut the ties of so powerful an aSec-
tion."* Whilst we breakfasted the bear was cut up,

" The great attachmenl which the she bear has for her young is well
known to the American hunter. No danger can induce her to abandon
them. Even when they are auffidently grown to be able to climb a tree,
her anxiety [or their safety is but liltle diminished. At that time, if hunted
and attacked by dogs, her first care is to make her young climb to a place of

6o Early Western Travels [Vol. s

and, with the young ones, taken on board. We en-
camped this night about twelve miles below Fort
Osage.*'

8th. — About ten o'clock we came in sight of the fort,
about six miles distant. We had not been long in
sight before we saw the flag was hoisted, and at noon
we arrived, when we were saluted with a volley as we
passed on to the landmg place, where we met Mr.
Crooks, who had come down from the [44] wintering
station at the mouth of the river Naduet to meet us.
There were also collected at the landing place about
200 Indians, men, women, and children, of the Petit
Osage nation, whose village was then about 300 yards
from the fort. We passed through them to pay our
respects to Lieutenant Brownson, who then com-

lafety. If they show any reluctance, she beats them, and having succeeded,
turns fearlessly on her pursuers. Perhaps in animal economy tnalemtl
aSection is almost always commeiisurate with the helple&snesa of the yauDg.
— Braobhrv.

" Lewis and Clailc, on their outward journey in 1S04, observed a bluff
of high land on the south side of the river (near the present town of Sibley
in Jackson County), as a site suitable for a fort, and laid down the place
upon Iheir map as "Fort Point." When, in 180S, Clark was requested by
the secretary of war to choose a place for a trading factory and fort, he reverted
to this site, and sent out a detachment under Captain Clemson to begin the
post. Clark following, made a treaty thereat with the Osage, whereby tfaey
surrendered land,bctween the Arkansas and Missouri nvers, and the fedenl
government on its part promised to keep a garrison at Fort Osage (Fort
Clark) for their protection. This treaty was later repudiated by the Osage
chiefs, but a similar one was signed (November 10, 1808) by Pierre Chouteau
on behalf of the United States. In 1813, after the outbreak of the war with
England, Ibis post was evacuated; the garrison was restored in 1816, but
was thereafter only intermittently maintained. One trader reported (i8»j)
that it consisted of an officer and two soldiers, the latter of whom had de-
serted. The treaty with the Osage made by Clark in 1815, released the gov-
ernment from its obligation to maintain the post, and upon the erection of
Fort Leavenworth (1817) Fort Osage was permanently abandoned. — En,

1809-I81I]

Bradbury's Travels

manded in the absence of Captain Clemson." He
received us very politely, and insisted that we should
eat at his table during our stay. I had with me an
introductory letter to Dr. Murray, physician to the
garrison, whom I found disposed to give me every
information relative to the customs and manners of the
Osage nation, and from him also I received a vocabu-
lary of a considerable number of words in that
language.** He walked with me down to the boats,
where we found several squaws assembled, as Dr. Mur-
ray assured me, for the same purpose as females of a
certain class in the maritime towns of Europe crowd
round vessels lately arrived from a long voyage, and
it must be admitted with the same success. Towards
evening an old chief came down, and harangued the
Indians assembled about the boats, for the purpose of
inviting the warriors of the late expedition to a feast
prepared for them in the village. I was told it was
intended that the dance of the scalp should be per-
formed, on the [45] occasion of the war party having
brought in seven scalps from the Ayauwais, a village
belonging to whom they had destroyed, and killed two
old men and five women and children. All the rest
had fled at then: approach; but as rain came on the
dance was not performed. At evening Dr. Murray

** Captaia Eli B. Clemson vas a native of Pennsylvania, and was com-
missioned lieutenant of the est United States infantiy in 17S9, being pro-
iDoted to a captaincy in 1807, He served as major of the sajiie regiment
during the War of 1813-15, ^^^ ^^ made colonel of the 6th in 1814. After
the close of the war, he retired to private life, dying in 1S45. Lieutenant
John BrownsoD enlisted in 1804, was three years later made lieulenanl.
and a captain in 1S14. After the second war with Great Britain, he retired
from the s<

See Appendix, No. I. — Bradbukv.

Early Western Travels

[Vol-S

proposed that we should walk into the village, which I
found to consist of about one hundred lodges of an
oblong form, the frame of timber, and the covering
mats, made of the leaves of flag, or iypha pcUustris. On
our return through the town, we called at the lodge
belonging to a chief named Waubuschon, with whom
Dr. Murray was particularly acquainted. The floor
was covered with mats, on which they sat ; but as I was
a stranger, I was offered a cushion. A wooden bowl
was now handed round, containing square pieces of
cake, in taste resembling gingerbread. On inquiry I
found it was made of the pulp of the persimon, (dio-
spyros Virginiana) mixed with pounded com. This
bread they called staninca. Shortly afterwards some
young squaws came in, with whom the doctor (who un-
derstood the Osage language) began to joke, and in a
few minutes they seemed to have overcome all bash-
fulness, or even modesty. Some of their expressions,
as interpreted to me, were of the most obscene nature.
The squaw of our host laughed heartily, and did all in
her power to promote this kind of conversation. I ex-
pressed [46] my surprise to Dr. Murray, but was in-
formed by him that similar conduct would have been
pursued at any other lodge in the village. We left the
lodge of Waubuschon, and went to that of the chief.
On the roof the seven scalps were placed, tied to sticks
ornamented with racoons' tails. We were shewn to
the upper end of the lodge, and sat down on the ground.
I learned that the chief was not present; that he was a
boy of six years of age, his name Young White Hair, and
that the tribe was now governed by a regent. Imme-
diately a warrior came in, and made a speech, frequently

I809-I811]

Bradbury" s Travels

pointing to the scalps on the roof, as they were visible
through the hole by which the smoke escaped. I un-
derstood that he had distinguished himself in the late
expedition against the Ayauways. After shaking hands
with all round, we left the lodge, and in our return to
the boat we met the squaw belonging to our interpre-
ter, who being of the Ayauway nation, appeared to be
much afraid of the Osages during our passage up the
river, and it was thought with reason, as on our first
interview with the commandant, it had been debated
whether or not it would be prudent to send a file of
men to conduct her from the boat to the fort during
our stay. On inquiry we found that she had been in-
vited up to the village by some of the Osages, and of
course, according to Indian custom, would be as safe
with them as in the fort.

[47] I inquired of Dr. Murray concerning a practice
which I had heard prevailed among the Osages, of
rising before day to lament theur dead. He informed
me that such was really the custom, and that the loss
of a horse or a dog was as powerful a stimulus to their
lamentations as that of a relative or friend ; and he as-
sured me, that if I should be awake before day the fol-
lowing morning, I might certainly hear them. Accord-
ingly on the 9th I heard before day that the howling
had commenced ; and the better to escape observation,
I wrapped a blanket round me, tied a black handker-
chief on my head, and fastened on my belt, in which I
stuck my tomahawk, and then walked into the village.
The doors of the lodges were closed, but in the greater
part of them the women were crying and howling in a
tone that seemed to indicate excessive grief. On the

Rarly Western Travels

[Vol-s

outside of the village I heard the men, who, Dr. Mur-
ray had informed me, always go out of the lodges to
lament, I soon came within twenty paces of one, and
could see him distinctly, as it was moonlight: he also
saw me, and ceased, upon which I withdrew. I was
more successful with another, whom I approached
nearer unobserved. He rested his back against the
stump of a tree, and continued for about twenty seconds
to cry out in a loud and high tone of voice, when he
suddenly lowered to a low muttering, mixed with
sobs: in a few seconds he again raised to the [48] former
pitch." We breakfasted with the commandant, and
afterwards walked out to view some improvements he
had made in the fort. In our walk we observed what,
on the first view, appeared to be two squaws carrying a
tub of water, suspended on a pole. Mr. Crooks de-
sired me to notice them, which I did, and remarked
that one of them bad more the appearance of a man
than of a woman. He assured me that it was a man,
and that there were several others in the village, who,
like the one we saw, were condemned for life to asso-
ciate with the squaws, to wear the same dress, and do
the same drudgery. I now learned, that when the
Osages go to war, they keep a watchful eye over the
young men who are then making their first essay in
arms, and such as appear to possess the necessary
qualifications are admitted to the rank of warriors, or,
according to their own idiom, brave men. ■ But if any

" I have been infonned, Uiat when the Osages were in the habit ai rob-
bing the while settlers, it was cuslomaiy with thein, after they had entered
the house, and before they proceeded to plunder, to blacken their faces, and
cry. The reason they gave (or this was, that they were sorry for the people
whom they were going to rob. — BRADDinty.

^. w

1809-1811] Bradbury's Travels 65

exhibit evident proofs of cowardice, on the return of
the party they are compelled to assume the dress and
character of women, and their doom is fixed for life,
as no opportunity is afterwards afforded them to re-
trieve [49] their character." The men do not associate
with them, nor are they suffered to marry, or have any
intercourse with the women : they may be treated with
the greatest indignity by any warrior, as they are not
suffered to resent it. I found, on inquiry, that the late
war party had not been conducted by any of the princi-
pal chiefs, a circumstance which often happens, as any
of the noted warriors may lead a party, provided he can
obtain adherents, and he finds no difficulty in procuring
the sanction of the chiefs; but in this case he must
travel without mockasons, or even leggings. He goes
the foremost of the party, makes the fire at night, and
stands to keep watch whilst the party He down to sleep,
nor can he lie down unless a warrior rises [50] and
takes his place. This indulgence he must not require,
but may accept, if voluntarily offered. In pursuing
the object of the expedition, his commands are absolute,

** It is customary amongst the Missouri Indians to register every expkdt
in war, by making a notch for each on the handle of their tomahawks, and
they are estimated as being rich or poor in proportion to the number of
notches. At their war dances, any warrior who chuses may recount hi*
exploits. This is done by pointing to each notch, and describing the par-
ticular act that entitled him to it. The Nodowessies, or Sioux, Bx up a post
near the war fire, to represent the enemy of each warrior iu succession whilst
be is recounting his deeds. During his harangue, he strikes the post when
in the act of describing how he struck his enemy, and, like Alexander,
"fights his battles o'er again." Mr. Crtjoks informed me, that the day
before our arrival at the tort, he saw an Osage beating and kicking another,
who suffered it patiently. Mr, Crooks asked him why he did not defend
himself ? ' ' Oh I ' ' said he, shewing the handle of bis tomahawk, ' ' I am (m
foot; he is richer than I am." — Bhadbubv.

Karly Western Travels

[Vol. 5

and he is obeyed without a murmur. The Osages are
so tall and robust as almost to warrant the application
of the term gigantic: few of them appear to be under six
feet, and many are above it. Their shoulders and
visages are broad, which tend to strengthen the idea of
their being giants. On our return from viewing the
improvements in the fort, I was introduced to Mr.
Sibly, the Indian agent there, who is the son of Dr.
Sibly of Natchitoches.** He informed me that he
purposed shortly to attend the Petits Osages in their
annual journey for salt, and invited me to accompany
him, offering as an inducement, to procure two horses
from the Indians for my own use. Learning that the
place where the salt is procured is that which has occa-
sioned the report of a salt mountain existing in Upper
Louisiana, I was very much inclined to accept his invi-
tation; but finding Mr. Hunt unwilling to release me
from my promise to attend him, I declined it. I ac-
companied Mr. Sibly and Dr. Murray in the evening,
to see the dance of the scalp. The ceremony consisted
in carrying the scalps elevated on sticks through the
village, followed by the warriors who had composed
the war party, dressed in all their ornaments, and
painted as for war.

" George C. Sibley was bom in UaasachusettB in 1781, and reaied la
Nortli Carolina. His father, nho had been a surgeon in the Revolulloili
removed to Louisiana, and his account of Red River exploration was em-
bodied (1&06) by JeSeiBon in his message presenting Lewis and Clark's
expedition as far as the Mandan. George Sibley came to St. Louis as an
employ^ of the Indian department, and for several years was stationed at
Fort Osage as factor. He made various journeys of exploration, one of
which was published. In 1825 he was appointed one of three commissioneii
to open a road to New Mexico. Upon his retirement from Uie pubUc I
MTvice, be lived on his estate in St. Charles County, Missouri, where b
benefactions to educalion made him much esteemed. — Ed.

iSog-iSii]

Bradbury's Travels

[51] On the :oth we again embarked on the river,
although it rained very hard. Our number was now
augmented to twenty-six by the addition of Mr. Crooks
and his party. We had not proceeded more than two
miles, when our interpreter, Dorion, beat his squaw
severely; and on Mr. Hunt inquiring the cause, he told
him that she had taken a fancy to remain at the Osages
in preference to proceeding with us, and because he
had opposed it, she had continued sulky ever since.
We were obhged to encamp early this day, as the rain
became excessive.

nth, i2th, 13th, and i4th.^ — We had a fair wind, and
employed our sail, wherefore I could not go ashore
without danger of being left behind. During these
days the bread was examined, and being found wholly
unfit for use, it was thrown overboard.

15th. — We passed the scite of a village which for-
merly belonged to the Kansas Indians." I had an
opportunity of going ashore, and found the soil to
have the appearance of the greatest fertility. On the

" Lewis and Clark mention this deserted village, saying that the K''"»bt
lodians have {1S04) withdrawn to the river which takes its name fn>m
them, because of the hostile attacks of the Sauk and Iowa; the latter, coming
more in contact with traders, are better armed than the Kansas. This
was an important site in the eariy history of the river. Here was built the
■econd French fort, mentioned by Bougainville in his list of 175; — in
Norliierti and Wtstern Boundaries of Ontario (Toronto, 1S7S), pp. S0-S5.
Later (1837), Colonel Leavenworth chose the place as adapted for a United
States post. The Kansas Indians were an important branch of tlie Siouan
stock, numbering at this time about thirteen hundred. They are now
reduced to less than two hundred, and live beside the Osage on a reservation
In the early history of while settlement, they were an annoy-
ing tribe, plundering traders and committing petty depredations. For a
of their customs, etc., see James's account of Long's expcditioii
(1819-10). which will be published as volumes xiv, zv, xvi, 4nd xvii of our

68 Early Western Travels [Vol. 5

sides of the hills I noticed abtmdance of the hop plant,
(kumulus lupulus.)

i6th. — We began to notice more particularly the
great number of drowned buffaloes that were floating
on the river; vast numbers of them were also [52]
thrown ashore, and upon the rafts, on the points of the
islands." The carcases had attracted an immense
number of turkey buzzards, (vtdtur aura) and as the
preceding night had been rainy, multitudes of them
were sitting on the trees, with their backs towards the
sun, and their wings spread out to dry, a common prac-
tice with these birds after rain.

17th. — Arrived at the wintering houses, near the
Naduet River, and joined the rest of the party.

i8th. — I proceeded to examine the neighbouring
country, and soon discovered that pigeons (columba
migraioria) were in the woods. I returned, and ex-
changed my rifle for a fowling-piece, and in a few
hours shot two hundred and seventy-one, when I de-
sisted. I had an opportunity this day of observing
the manner in which they feed: it affords a most
singular spectacle, and is also an example of the rigid
discipline maintained by gregarious animals. This
species of pigeon associates in prodigious flocks: one
of these flocks, when on the ground, will cover an area
of several acres in extent, and the birds are so close
to each other that the ground can scarcely be seen.
This phalanx moves through the woods with consid-
erable celerity, picking up, as it passes along, every
thing that will serve for food. It is evident that the

" It was at this point on the river that the hunters of Lewis and Clark's
party met their first buffalo. — Ed.

I809-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

foremost [53] ranks must be the most successful, and
nothing will remain for the hindermost. But that
all may have an equal chance, the instant that any rank
becomes the last, it rises, and flying over the whole
flock, alights exactly ahead of the foremost. They
succeed each other with so much rapidity, that there is
a continued stream of them in the air; and a side view
of them exhibits the appearance of the segment of a
large circle, moving through the woods. I observed
that they cease to look for food a considerable time
before they become the last rank, but strictly adhere
to their regulations, and never rise until there is none
behind them.

19th. — On the bluffs** under which the wintering
[54] house was placed, there is a considerable number
of flat stones. On examining one, I found beneath it
several snakes, in a half torpid state, arising probably
from the cold state of the weather, and I found on
further examination, that the number of snakes under
these stones was astonishing. I selected this day eleven
species, and killed a great number.

** As the teim blufi nay Dot be undeistood, an explanalioQ will render
the application more intelligible. The alluvion of the great rivers west of
the Alleghannies is considerably lower than the surrounding country, and
ia of a breadth nearly in the ratio of the magnitude of the river; that of the
Missouri is from two to six or eight miles in breadth, and is for the most
part from a hundred and fifty to three hundred feet below the general level
of the country. The ascent from this valley into the country is precipitous,
and ia called ' ' the BluS;' ' it may consist of rock or day. Betwixt these
bluffs the river runs id a very crooked channel, and is perpetually changing
its bed, as the only permanent bounds are (he bluSs. It may here be re-
marked, that a view of the vast channel bounded by these bluffs, cotmected
with the idea that all which it contained has been carried away by the river,
would induce us to believe that this globe has existed longer than some
people imagine, — BKADBimy.

Rarly Western Travels

[Vol. 5

20th. — It was this day arranged, by the desire of
Mr. Donald M'Kenzie, that I should travel in his boat,
and preparations were made for our departure the
succeeding morning. I was employed in continuing
my researches, and had a narrow escape from a rattle-
snake; it darted at me from the top of a small rock, at
the base of which I was gathering plants. The noise
of its rattle just gave me sufficient notice to withdraw
my head.

2ist. — We again embarked in four boats. Our
party amounted to nearly sixty persons: forty were
Canadian boatmen, such as are employed by the North
West Company, and are termed in Canada Engagis or
Voyageurs. Our boats were all furnished with masts
and sails, and as the wind blew pretty strong from the
south-east, we availed ourselves of it during the greater
part of the day.

22d, 23d, g4th.— The wind continuing favourable,
[55] '^s sailed almost the whole of these three days, and
made considerable progress.

25th. — Went ashore with the hunters, and collected
a new species of rattle-snake, and a bird of the genus
recunnrostra. The hunters killed two elks, but they
were so lean that we left them for the vultures: at all
times their flesh is much inferior to that of deer.
- 26th. — The wind had changed to the north-west, and
blew so strong, that we were obliged to stop during the
whole day. When I found this measure determined on,
I resolved to avail myself of the opportunity to quit the
valley of the Missouri, and examine the surrounding
country. After travelling about three miles, I ascended
the btufis, and found that the face of the country, soil,

iSog-i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels

&c. were entirely changed. As far as the eye could
reach, not a single tree or shrub was visible. The
whole of the stratum immediately below the vegetable
mould, is a vast bed of exceedingly hard yellow clay.
In the valleys, the land floods, during the rainy season,
have worn channels so deep, and with the sides so
precipitous, that a traveller is often under the necessity
of proceeding a mile or two along one of these ravines
before he can cross it. In the bottoms of several I
observed evident indications of coal.

[56] 27th. — The night had been very cold, and before
we had been long on the river, the sides of the boats
and the oars were covered with ice, although we were
not farther north than 40°. After breakfast, I went
out with the hunters, and found my hopes of a change
in the vegetation realized. The bluffs forming the
bounds of the river are no longer in part rocks, but a
continued chain of rounded knobs of stiff clay: under
these is a fine bed of bituminous coal, rendered visible
wherever the river has washed away the base. This
day I collected several new species of plants.

28th. — We breakfasted on one of the islands formed
by La Platte Riviere, the largest river that falls into
the Missouri. It empties itself into three channels,
except in the time of its annual flood, when the inter-
vening Ijind is overflowed; it is then about a nule in
breadth. We noticed this day the skeleton or frame
of a skin canoe, in which the river had been crossed by
Indians: we saw also other indications of war parties
having been recently in the neighbourhood, and ob-
served in the night the reflection of immense fires, oc-
casioned by burning the prairies. At this late season,

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

the fires are not made by the hunters to facilitate their
hunting, but by war parties; and more particularly
when returning unsuccessful, or after a defeat, to pre-
vent their enemies from tracing their [57] steps. As
the ash discontinues to grow on the Missouri above
this place, it was thought expedient to lay in a stock of
oars and poles; and for that purpose, we stopped in the
forenoon, about a league above the mouth of Papillon
Creek, and I availed myself of this opportunity to visit
the blu£fs four or five miles distant from us, on the
north-east side." On approaching them I found an
extensive lake running along their base, across which I
waded, the water in no part reaching higher than my
breast. This lake had evidently been in former times
the course of the river: its surface was much covered
with aquatic plants, amongst which were ndumbium
luieum and kydropelHs purpurea: on the broad leaves
of the former a great number of water snakes were
basking, which on my approach darted into the water.
On gaining the summit of the bluffs, I was amply repaid
by the grandeur of the scene that suddenly opened to
my view, and also by the acquisition of a number of new
plants. On looking into the valley of the Missouri from
an elevation of about two hundred and fifty feet, the
view was magnificent: the bluffs can be seen for more
than thirty miles, stretching to the north-eastward in a
right line, their summits varied by an infinity of undu-
lations. The flat valley of the river, about six or seven

" The Lewis and Clark expedition also camped bere for several dafs,
and tieated with the ladians. PapilUoa (butterfly) Creek is in Satpy
Count)', Nebraska; a town of the same name upon its banks serves as coun^

i8o9-i8ii

Bradbury's Travels

miles in breadth, is partly prairie, but interspersed
with clumps of the finest trees, through the inter-
vals of which could be seen [58] the majestic but
muddy Missouri. The scene towards the interior of
the country was extremely singular: it presents to the
view a countless number of little green hills, apparently
sixty or eighty feet in perpendicular height, and so
steep, that it was with much difficulty I could ascend
them; some were so acutely pointed, that two people
would have found it difficult to stand on the top at the
same time. I wandered among these mountains in
miniature until late in the afternoon, when I re-
crossed the lake, and arrived at the boats soon after
sun-set.

2gth. — Being informed that the oars and poles would
not be finished before noon, Mr. M'Kenzie obliged me
by sending his boat to carry me across the river. I
found the bluffs to be of a nature similar to those on the
north-east side. I met the boats in the afternoon, and
we encamped about fourteen miles below the wintering
house belonging to Mr. Crooks, who proposed to me
that we should walk to it the following morning, along
the bluffs; as the distance was much less by that route
than by the course of the river."

30th.— I set out with Mr. Crooks at sunrise, for the
wintering house, and travelled nearly a mile on a low
piece of ground, covered with long grass: at its termina-
tion we ascended a small elevation, [59] and entered
on a plain of about eight miles in length, and from two

" For an account of Crooks'a earlier trading venture and his wintering
home on the Missouri, see Chittenden, History a/ American Pvr Trade tit
Ihe Far Well (New York, 1903), i, pp. 159-162.— Ed.

74 Early JVestem Travels [Vol. 5

and a half to three miles in breadth. As the old grass
had been bumed in the autumn, it was now covered
with the most beautifxd verdure, intermixed with flow-
ers. It was also adorned with clumps of trees, suflBcient
for ornament, but too few to intercept the sight: in the
intervals we counted nine flocks of elk and deer feeding,
some of which we attempted to approach near enough
to fire at, but without success. On arriving at the
termination of the plain, our route lay along a series of
the most rugged clay bluffs: some of them were in part
washed away by the river, and exhibited perpendicular
faces at least a hundred feet in height. At noon we
arrived at the wintering house, and dined on dried
buffaloe. In the evening the boats came up.

May ist. — This day was employed in embarking
some articles necessary for the voyage, together with
Indian goods, and in the evening Mr. Crooks informed
me that he intended to set out the next morning on
foot, for the Ottoes, a nation of Indians on the Platte
River, who owed him some beaver." From the Ottoes
he purposed travelling to the Maha nation, about two
hundred miles above us on the Missouri, where he should
again meet the boats. I immediately offered to accom-

"The Oto Indians were ODce a powerful oation, an ofisbool of the
MissDuii family. Their former village slood upon the Missouri River not fu
from the dty of Omaha ; bul worn down by wars with their more powerful
Dcighbon, they had retrealed lo the south side of Platte River, about thirty
milo above its mouth, where they lived in a village aloog with the rcmnantj
of the Missouri tribe. They had a good reputation among the tradets, for
honesty in repaying credits. Lewis and Clark (1804) sent Cot their chiefs,
and made a treaty with them at old Council Bluffs, above Omaha, on the
west side of the river. They numbered at that time about five hundred.
Now there arc three hundred and seventy of these Indians on an extensive
reservation in Oklahoma. — Ed.

I809-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

pajiy him; he seemed much pleased, and we proceeded
to cast [60] bullets, and make other arrangements
necessary for our journey.

2d. — At day-break we were preparing to depart,
as also were the rest of the party, when an occurrence
took place that delayed us until sunrise, and created
a considerable degree of confusion. Amongst our hunt-
ers were two brothers of the name of Harrington, one
of whom, Samuel Harrington, had been hunting on the
Missouri for two years, and had joined the party in
autumn: the other, William Harrington, had engaged
at St. Louis, in the following March, and accompanied
us from thence. The latter now avowed that he had
engaged at the command of his mother, for the purpose
of bringing back his brother, and they both declared
their intention of abandoning the party immediately.
As it had already been intimated to us at the Osage
nation, that the Nodowessie, or Sioux Indians, intended
to oppose our progress up the river, and as no great
dependence was placed on our Canadians in case of an
attack, the loss of two good riflemen was a matter of
regret to us all. Mr. Hunt, although a gentleman of
the mildest disposition, was extremely exasperated;
and when it was found that all arguments and entreaties
were ima vailing, they were left, as it was then imagined,
without a single bullet or a load of pwwder, four hun-
dred [61] miles at least from any white man's house, and
six hundred and fifty from the mouth of the river. As
soon as the final issue of this affair was known, Mr.
Crooks and myself set out for the Otto village, attended
by two of the Canadians, one named Guard^p^e, the

Rarly Western Travels

[Vol. 5

other La Libert^.** Our equipments were, a blanket, a
rifle, eighty bullets, a full powder horn, a knife, and
tomahawk, for each. Besides these, I had a large in-
flexible port-foho, containing several quires of paper,
for the purpose of laying down specimens of plants;
we had also a small camp-kettle, and a little jerked
buffaloe meat. In half an hour we left the valley of
the Missouri, and entered on the vast plain. We took
our course S. S. E. which we held for some hours, and
travelled at a great rate, hoping to reach the Platte that
night, although estimated at forty-five miles from the
place of our departure. A little before noon we saw
four large animals at a great distance, which we sup-
posed to be elk, but on crossing their footsteps some
time afterwards, we found to our great satisfaction
that they were buffaloe. In the afternoon we crossed
two branches of Papillon Creek, and an hour before
sun-set arrived at the Come du Cerf River, a deep clear
stream, about eighty yards in breadth: it falls into the
Platte about twenty miles below. As our Canadians
could not swim, it was necessary to construct a raft,
and we concluded to remain here for the [62] night.

" GardepEed (or Ganfpj) was a common French Canadian name,
several haJf-brceds beaiing it having been employed in the fur-trade. Pos-
sibly this was Jean Baptiste Gardepied, who is recorded as being in the
Astorian expedition, and later playing a prominent part at Fort Union, on
the Yellowstone. For his braveiy, and the tn^c manner of bis death at
the hands of the Sioux, sec Laipenteur, Journal (Coues, New York, 1898),
p. 215.

La Liberty was a French Canadian who started with Lewis and Clark,
■nd disappeared or deserted in this vidnitj. But it was a common name
among voyageurs, and we have found no proof that he was the same in-
dividual. — Ed.

I809-I8I]

Bradbury's Travels

This arrangement was very agreeable to me, as I was
much exhausted, which Mr. Crooks considered was,
in a great measure, owing to my having drank water
too copiously during the day. Although we had not
eaten any thing from the time of our departure, I was
unable to eat at supper, and lay down immediately.

3d. — We arose at day break. I found myself com-
pletely refreshed. Our raft being ready at sun-rise, we
crossed the river, and in two hours arrived at the Platte,
exactly opposite the Otto village. The river is here
about eight hundred yards in breadth, but appears to
be shallow, as its name indicates. The southern bank
is wholly divested of timber, and as the village is situated
on a declivity near the river, we could see the lodges very
distinctly, but there was no appearance of Indians.
We discharged our rifles, but the signal was not an-
swered from the village: in about five minutes we heard
the report of a gun down the river, and immediately
proceeded towards the place. At the distance of half
a mile, we arrived opposite to an island, on the point of
which a white man was standing, who informed us that
we could cross over to him by WEiduig: we did not stop to
take off our clothes, but went over immediately, the
water reaching to our arm-pits. This man proved to
be an American, of the name of Rogers, and [63] was
employed as an interpreter by a Frenchman from St.
Louis, who was also on the island with a few goods.
They informed us that they had been concealed for
some days on the island, having discovered a war party
hovering round, belonging, as they supposed, to the
Loup, or Wolf nation, who had come in order to sur-

F^rly Western Travels

[Vol-s

prise the Ottoes." They had nothing to give us as
food, excepting some beaver flesh, which Rogers ob-
tained by trapping on Come du Cerf, or Elk Horn
River; as it was stale, and tasted fishy, I did not much
rehsh it, but there was no alternative but to eat it or
starve. We remained all day concealed on the island,
and on the morning of the 4th, before daylight, Rogers
set out to look at his traps, on Elk Horn River, distant
to the eastward not more than five miles. I accom-
panied him, and on crossing the channel of the Platte,
found that in the same place where the day before it
reached to our arm-pits, it did not now reach to our
waists, although the river had not fallen. Such changes
in the bottom of this river, Rogers told me were very
frequent, as it is composed of a moving gravel, in which
our feet sank to a considerable depth. We arrived at
the Elk Horn River about sun-rise, but found no
beaver in the traps. After our return to the island, I
expressed a wish to visit the Otto village, which was in
sight; and Rogers, who had a canoe concealed in the
willows that surrounded the island, [64] landed me on
the other side of the river. I found the village to con-
sist of about fifty-four lodges, of a circular form, and
about forty feet in diameter, with a projecting part at
the entrance, of ten or twelve feet in length, in the form
of a porch. At almost every lodge, the door or entrance
was closed after the manner which is customary with

" The Ivoup (Wolf) Indians were a branch of Ihc Pawnee tribe, uauiUy
known as the panimahas. They claimed to have migrated across the Mis-
sissippi about the middle of the eighteenth century, in company with the
Arikara, lo whom they were related. Their language (Caddoan), however,
shows close affinity to that of the other Pawnee. They dwelt upon the
Loup branch of Platte River, and were a fierce and numerous people.-

i8og-i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels

Indians when they go on hunting parties, and take
their squaws and children with them. It consists in
putting a few sticks across, in a particular manner,
which they so exactly note and remember, as to be
able to discover the least change in their position.
Although anxious to examine the internal structure
of the lodges, I did not violate the injunction conveyed
by this slight obstruction, and after searching some
time, found a few that were left entirely open. On
entering one, I found the length of the porch to be an
inclined plane to the level of the floor, about two and a
half or three feet below the surface of the ground : round
the area of the lodge are placed from fifteen to eighteen
posts, forked at the top, and about seven feet high from
the floor. In the centre, a circular space of about eight
feet in diameter is dug to the depth of two feet; four
strong posts are placed in the form of a square, about
twelve feet asunder, and at equal distances from this
space: these posts are about twenty feet high, and cross
pieces are laid on the tops. The rafters are laid from
the forked [65] tops of the outside posts over these cross
pieces, and reach nearly to the centre, where a small
hole is left for the smoke to escape : across the rafters
small pieces of timber are laid; over these, sticks and
a covering of sods, and lastly earth. The fire is made
in the middle of the central space, round the edges of
which they sit, and the beds are fixed betwixt the outer
posts. The door is placed at the immediate entrance
into the lodge : it is made of a buffalo skin, stretched in a
frame of wood, and is suspended from the top. On en-
tering, it swings forward, and when let go, it falls to its
former position. On my return to the island, Mr.

^rly Western Traveh

[V0I.S

Crooks informed me that he had resolved to send
Rogers to find the Ottoes, who were hunting about
twenty miles from us, in order to collect his debts, or
to procure horses for us, to facilitate our journey to the
Maha nation.

5th. — In the morning early, Rogers set out on his
expedition, and returned on the 6th, without having
obtained any beaver or horses, excepting one horse
belonging to Mr. Crooks. This night I procured from
Rogers what information I could relative to the Otto
nation, and was informed that the Missouris are incor-
porated with them; that they are their descendants, and
speak the same language. They call themselves Wad-
dok^-tah-tah, and can muster one hundred and thirty
[66] or one hundred and forty warriors. They are
now at war with the Loups or Wolf Indians, the Osages,
and the Sioux. He said they furnish a considerable
quantity of bear, deer, and beaver skins, and are very
well disposed towards their traders, who may safely
credit them. They do not claim the property of the
land on which they live, nor any other tract. A very
considerable part of the surrounding country formerly
belonged to the Missouris, who were once the most
powerful nation on the Missouri river, but have been
reduced by war and the small pox to be dependent on
the Ottoes, by whom they are treated as inferiors.
Rogers had with him a squaw of the Maha nation, with
her child, whom he wished to send with us to her
father. To this Mr. Crooks consented, and early on
the morning of the 7th we set out, putting the squaw
and her child on the horse. Having crossed over from
the island, we steered a due north course, and came

i8og-i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels

to the Elk Horn River, after travelling about ten miles.
Mr. Crooks immediately stripped, to examine if the
river was fordable, and found that, excepting about
twenty yards in the middle, we might wade it. I
offered to carry the child, but the squaw refused, and
after stripping herself, she gave me her clothes, put the
child on her neck, and swam over, the little creature
sticking to her hair. After assisting our Canadians
across, we continued along [67] the bank, in expecta-
tion of arriving at the creek, distant about five miles,
which comes in a direction from the north. We ob-
served, that as our distance from the island increased,
the reluctance of the squaw to proceed also increased,
and soon after we had crossed the river, she began
to cry, and declared she would go no farther. Mr.
Crooks, who understood the language, remonstrated
with her; but finding it in vain, he ordered Guardep^e
to take her back, and we encamped to wait his
return.

8th. — About two o'clock in the morning Guardep^e
returned with the horse, and at day-light we set out.
In about an hour we came to the creek," and continued
along its banks, and found ourselves in a short time on
a most beautiful prairie, along which the creek flowed,
without having a single tree on its border, or even a
shrub, excepting a few widely scattered plum bushes.
We shot this day two prairie hens, {letrao umbellus) on
which we supped, having dined on some jerked buffalo,
brought by Rogers from the Ottoes. We slept on the
border of the creek, but not so comfortably as usual,

Early ff^esiem Travels

[Vol. s

as the dew was so copious, that before morning our
blankets were wet through.

9th. — We continued to pursue our course along the
creek, but with great trouble, as our mockassons, [68]
being of untanned skins, became so soft as to render
it difficult to keep them on our feet. We shot a prairie
hen, and prepared to breakfast, having first relieved
the horse from the baggage, and turned him out to
graze. Whilst we were collecting some dry stalks of
plants to boil our kettle, a herd of elk, nineteen in
number, appeared marching towards the creek, and
Guardep^e immediately ran to put himself in such a
position that he might fire at them, when the horse took
fright, broke his tie, and gallopped off. Guardep^e
fired, but only wounded one so slightly that it ran off
with the rest, and escaped. The horse took the direct
route back towards the Ottoes, and was followed by
Mr. Crooks and Guardep^e; but in vain: they gave up
the chase, finding it impossible to recover him. After
we had breakfasted, we threw the saddle and every
thing belonging to the horse into the creek; each man
took his share of the baggage, and we again set out, and
travelled without stopping until evening, when we ar-
rived at the head of the creek, and came to what is
called a dividing ridge." We passed over it, and came
to the head of a creek, running in a N. E. direction.
This we supposed to be Blackbird Creek, which falls
into the Missouri, near the monument of a famous chief
of the [69] Mahas, named Blackbird. At the distance
of about two miles, we saw a small clump of trees on

i8o(^i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels

the border of the creek, and resolved to remain there
during the night, hoping to find fuel to boil a small
portion of jerked buffalo, being all we had left. Whilst
the supper was preparing, I walked back to an eminence,
to collect some interesting plants, having noticed them
in passing. I had not been long employed in that way,
when I saw a distant flash of lightning in the south, and
soon after others in quick succession. As these and
other appearances indicated the approach of a violent
storm, I hastened back to recommend precautions for the
security of our arms and ammunition. Having boiled
our meat, which amounted to a few morsels each, we
secured our powder horns and some tow in our camp
kettle, which we inverted, and discharged our rifles.
Excepting the sound of distant thunder, which was
continual, an awful silence prevailed, and the cloud
which had already spread over one half of the visible
horizon, was fast shutting out the little remains of day-
light. As the trees afforded us no fuel, and in a few
minutes would become no shelter, but might endanger
our safety, I recommended that we should go to the
open prairie, which we did, and lay down in our blank-
ets: I put my plants under me. For several hours
the thunder, lightning, and rain were incessant, and
such rain as I have seldom witnessed. [70] In half an
hour after the storm commenced, we had nothing more
to fear from it, excepting the cold occasioned by the
torrents that fell on us. At the approach of morning
the rain ceased : we saw a few stars, and with joy noticed
the first appearances of day. We arose, and wrung
the water out of our blankets, and finding ourselves
very much benumbed, we walked about to restore the

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

circulation: when it was sufficiently light, we put our
rifles in order, which was attended with considerable
difiiculty, as our hands were almost without sensation.
Having arranged our arms, we set out, but were ex-
tremely uncomfortable, as our clothes, being made of
dressed skins, stuck so close to our bodies as to make our
march very unpleasant. We proceeded at a brisk pace
to warm ourselves, and in about two hours came to a
small ridge, which we ascended, and when near the
top, Guardep^e preceded us, to examine if any game
was in sight. He gave the signal for us to remaui quiet
and soon afterwards fired at two buffalo cows, with
their calves. One of the cows he wounded, and they
ran off with so much speed, that the calves could not
keep up with them. Perceiving this, I immediately
pursued the calves, one of which I killed. The rest
of the party followed the cows for a short distance,
but finding the inutility of it, they soon relumed : and
notwithstanding my remonstrances, GuardepSe killed
the other calf. As we had eaten [71] but httle the day
before, we were very glad of this supply, and taking
what we thought proper, proceeded on our journey.
We soon began to perceive that the face of the country
was changing in its appearance. From the Elk Horn
River, our course had hitherto been over a most beau-
tiful prairie, with scarcely a tree or shrub, but covered
with grass and flowers: we now began to observe a more
broken country to the eastward, and some scattered
bushes in the valleys. From an eminence, we soon
after perceived a hill, that had a heap of stones on the
summit : Mr. Crooks assured me that this was the monu-

i8o9-iSii]

Bradbury's Travels

ment of Blackbird," the famous [72] Maha chief, and
that it was one of the bluffs of the Missouri; we judged
it was about fifteen miles N. E. of us. Satisfied that
we were now near the boats, and having arrived at
some small timber, where we could procure fuel, we
dined on our veal; and although without bread or salt
it was to us a luxury, as we had long been unaccustomed

" This chief, called by the French, Oiseau Noir, ruled over the Mahu
with a sway the most despotic. He had managed in such a manner as to
inspire them with the belief that he was possessed of supernatural powers : in
coundl DO chief durst oppose him — in war it was death to disobey. It ii
related of him at Si, Louis, that a trader from that town arrived at the
Mahas with ao assortment of Indian goods: he applied to Blackbird for
liberty to trade, who ordered that he should first bring all his goods into
his lodge, which order was obeyed. Blackbird commanded that all the
packages should be opened in his presence, and from them he selected what
goods he thought proper, amounting to nearly the fourth part of the whole;
be caused ibem to be placed in a part of the lodge distinct from tlie rest,
and addressed the trader to this effect: — "Now, my son, the goods which
I have chosen are mine, and (hose in your possession are your own. Don't
cry, my son; my people shall trade with you for your goods at your <mm
price.' ' He then spoke to his herald, who ascended to the top of the lodgCi
and commanded, in the name of the chief, that the Mahas should bring
all their beaver, bear, otter, muskrat, and other skina to his lodge, and not
on any account to dispute the terms of exchange with the trader, who de-
dared, on his return to St. Louis, that it was the most profitable voyage he
had ever made. Mr. Teltier, a gentleman of respectability, who resided
near St. Louis, and who had been fonnerly Indian agent there, infonned
me that Blackbird obtained this influence over his nation by the means of
arsenic, a quantity of that article having been sold to him by a tmder, who
instructed him in the use of it. If afterwards any of his nation dared to
oppose him in his arbitrary measures, he prephtiied their death within k
certain period, and look good care that his predietiona should be verified.
He died about the time that Louisiana was added to the United States;
having previously made choice of a cave for his sepulchre, on the top of a
hill Dear the Missouri, about eighteen miles below the Maha village. By
bis order his body was placed on the back of his favouiite horse, which waa
driven into the cave, the mouth of which was then closed up with stones. A
large heap was afterwards raised on the summit of the bill. — Bradbuxv.

Early Western Travels

[Vols

to those articles. We halted about three hours before
sunset, at about five miles from the monument of Black-
bird," to which place Mr. Crooks despatched Guarde-
p^e to look for a letter, as Mr. Hunt had promised
to leave one there on passing [73] the place. At n^ht
he returned, but without a letter, and we concluded
that the boats had not yet arrived.

nth. — We set off early, and soon fell in with the
trace from the Maha village to the monument:*' along
this we travelled, and about ten o'clock arrived at the
town, where we met one of the Canadians belonging
to the boats. He informed us that they arrived the
day before, and were stationed about four miles from

" Much has been written of this Omaha chieftain, notably Irving'!
description in Aitoria, which sums up most of the traditions. Callin, the
painter of Indians, attempted an apology for Blacktnrd'i sinistei reputation.
Be also painted a picture of his burial hill, and carried oS the chiePs skull,
which is now in the National Museum — see Smithsonian Report, 1SS5,
ii, p. 163. The ntound was for many years a well-known landmark upon
the river, but is now scarcely noticeable. The btufi is upon Che Omaha
Indian reservation about seventy-five miles above the city of Omaha. — Ed.

** The Omoba Indians (usually called Mahas) had formerly lived on
the Mississippi. They retain a definile tradition of their migrations, which
are traced by Dorscy, "Omaha Sociology," in Bureau of Ethnology Report,
t8Rt-93. They had formerly been one of the most powerful tribes of
Siouan stock, aumbering from three to four tliousand but were decimated
by imalt-pox. Lewis and Clark found less than six hundred of them.
They now have about twice that population, and live upon a reservation
in Nebraska just below the village where they then dwell. The Omaha
have been much discussed and experimented with, showing an unusual
adaptability for education. The Presbyterians maintained a mission
school among them for many years. See Tht Middle Five (Boston, 1900),
by Frauds La Flesehe, son of one of their chiefs. In 1883-84 lands were
■Hotted to them in severalty, under the direction of Miss Alice Fletcher, who
has also made studies of their customs and music. They are to-day among
dvilized and progressive of our Indian tribes, living in satisfactory
bouses, devoting themselves to agriculture, and deriving good incomes from
their leased lands. — Ed.

i8o9-i8n

Bradbury's Travels

the village. As we were in want of food, we did not
stop, but proceeded to the boats, where we found a con-
siderable number of Indians assembled to trade. They
gave jerked buffalo meat, tallow, com, and marrow;
and in return they received tobacco in carottes, ver-
mUlion, blue beads, &c. There, also, we found Mr.
James Aird, an old and respectable trader, with whom
I had become acquainted at St. Louis." He informed
me that he should go to the United States ina few days;
I therefore availed myself of this opportunity to for-
ward letters, and was employed in writing until the 12th
at noon. Immediately after, I set out on an excursion
to the bluffs, and in my way passed through the village,
where the great number of children playing about the
lodges, entirely naked, drew my attention. I soon
attracted their notice also, and they began to collect
around me. Some of the [74] boldest ventured to
touch my hand, after which they ran back a few paces,
but soon again resumed their courage. When about
fifty or sixty had assembled, I came to where three
young squaws were repairing one of the stages erected
for the purpose of exposing the buffalo skins to dry,
whilst they are in preparation. The squaws, seeing
the children run after me, spoke to them in a com-
manding tone, when they Instantly stopped, and not
one followed me afterwards. I doubt much if such a

'° James Aird was a Scotchman who embarked in the f UT'tradc at Macki-
nac, and became oae of the earliest sclUers of Prairie du Chien. During
the War of iSi3-l5 he adhered to the Biitish interests, and at its close coo-
tinucd his trading upon the upper waters of the Mississippi, until his death
in tSig, Lewis and Ctark met him ascending the Missouri, upon tbdr
return journey in 1806. He was a man of integrity, and much respected
throughout the Northwest. See WUamsin Histoncai CaUeclions, ii,
iitdez. — Ed.

88 Early Western Travels [Vol. s

crowd of children, in any European city, would have
obeyed with such promptness, had such a phenomenon
appeared among them, as they must have considered
me. On arriving at the summit of the bluffs, I had
a fine view of the town below. It had a singular ap-
pearance. The frame work of the lodges consists of
ten or twelve long poles, placed in the periphery of a
circle of about sixteen feet in diameter, and are inclined
towards each other, so as to cross at a little more than
half their length from the bottom ; and the tops diver-
ging with the same angle, exhibit the appearance of one
cone inverted on the apex of another. The lower cone
is covered with dressed buffalo skins, sewed together,
and fancifully painted; some with an undulating red
or yellow band, of ten or twelve inches in breadth, sur-
rounding the lodge at half its height; in others, rude
figures of horses, buffaloe or deer were painted ; others
again with attempts [75] at the human face, in a circle,
as the moon is sometimes painted ; these were not less
than four feet in diameter. I judged there were not
fewer than eighty lodges. I did not remain long on
the summit of the bluffs, as I perceived, from the heaps
of earth, some of these recent, that it was the burial
ground, and I knew the veneration they have for the
graves of their ancestors. I proceeded along the bluffs,
and was very successful in my researches, but had not
been long employed, when I saw an old Indian gallop-
mg towards me. He came up and shook hands with
me, and pointing to the plants I had collected, said,
"Bon pour manger?" to which I replied, ^'Ne pas
bon." He then said, "Bon pour medicine?" I re-
plied "Out." He again shook hands and rode away.

I809-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

leaving me somewhat surprised at being addressed in
French by an Indian. On my return through the vil-
lage, I was stopped by a group of squaws, who invited
me very kindly into their lodges, calling me wakendaga,
or as it is pronounced, wa-ken*da-ga (physician.) I
declined accepting their invitation, showing them that
the sun was near setting, and that it would be night
before I could reach the boats. They then invited me
to stay all night: this also I declined, but suffered them
to examine my plants, for all of which I found they had
names. On my way to the boats, I met a number of
Indians returning to the village, all of whom shook [76]
hands with me. Two of them informed me that they
had seen me at St. Louis, and at the same time gave me
satisfactory proofs of it." I did not reach the boats
until it was dark.

13th. — In the forenoon of this day, Mr. Hunt was
waited upon by two chiefs, who were contending for
the sanction of the government of the United States,
to determine their claim to kingly power. Mr. Hunt
declined interfering, not being vested with the powers

" The Indians arc remarkable for strength ai memory >» this particular.
They will remember a man whom they have only traasientlf seen, for a
great number of jears. and perhaps never during their lives forget him. I
had no recollection oE these Indians, but they pointed down the river to St.
Louis; afterwards Ihey took up the comer of the buffalo robe, held tl before
their faces, and turned it over as a man does a newspaper in reading it.
This BClion will be explained by relating that I frequented the printing-office
of Mr. Joseph Charters, wheD at St. Louis, to read the papers from the United
States.wheoit often happened tliat the Indians at thai place on business came
into the office and sat down. Mr. Charless, out of pleasantry, would hand
to each a newspaper, which, out of respect for the custom of the whites, they
exainincd with as much attentiaa as if they could read it, turning it over at
the same time that they saw me tarn that with which I was engaged. — Bbaii-

BUSY.

Early Western Travels

[V0I.S

to act. The names of these two chiefs were the Big
Elk" and the White Cow, the former of whom ulti-
mately succeeded, and has since signalized himself by
a fine specimen of Indian eloquence, at the funeral of a
Sioux chief, in the [77] Missouri territory." The
Mahas seem very friendly to the whites, and cultivate
com, beans, melons, squashes, and a small species of
tobacco {nicoliana rusiica?^ In 1802 they were visited
by the small-pox, which made dreadful havoc, and
destroyed at least two thirds of the whole nation. At
present they muster nearly two hundred warriors, and
from the great number of children, I judge that they
are again increasing. In stature they are much inferior
to the Osages, although I noticed several whom I
thought would reach to six feet. Their hunting ground
is from their village to L'Eau qui Court, and along that
river."

14th.— This day three Sioux Indians arrived, of the
Yanktoon Ahna tribe," who reported that several na-

" Big Elk, or Om-pah-ton-ga, became one of the greatest and moit
respected of the chiefs of the Omaha. See his portrait by Catlin, in
Smithsonian Report, 1885, ii, p. 73. He died about 1846, and his burial
place was long a landmBrk of the Omaha tribe. — Ed.

" See Appendix, No, II. — Bradbdkv.

" The French called the Niobrara River, L'eau qui court — the rapidly-
running water. It is now the boundary between Nebra&lta and South
Dakota.— Ed.

** The Sioux Indians (properly Bakota) arc the largest branch of the
great Siouan family. The Vankton are mentioned by Lewis and Clark as
the hrst and most peaceably -inclined tribe of Dakota. They inhabited the
territory north and east of the Missouri, roving upon the Vermillion, James.
and Big Sioux rivers. They still number about three thousand, three-
fifths of whom are upon reservations in South Dakota, the remainder being
at Fort Peck agency in Montana. The term ahna was equivalent to tribe or
people. — Ed.

iSo9-i8ii

Bradbury's Travels

tions of the Sioux were assembling higher up the river,
with an intention to oppose our progress. This news
was concealed as much as possible from the voyageurs,
and we prepared for our departure on the following
morning.

15th.— We embarked early, and passed Floyd's
Bluffs, so named from a person of the name of Floyd
(one of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke's party) having been
buried there." In the course of this day, I was in-
formed by Mr. M'Kenzie, that in the night of the [78]
7th instant, during our journey to the Ottoes, eleven
Sioux Indians, who had given or devoted their clothes
to the medicine," ran into the camp with their toma-
hawks in their hands, and were instantly surrounded
and taken prisoners. The leader, finding the party
on their guard, and much stronger probably than he
expected, immediately cried out to his followers in their
language, ' * My children, do not hurt the white people."
As the party were fully apprized of the murderous inten-
tions of these miscreants, the general voice was for put-
ting them to death; but Mr. Hunt would not consent to
it, and ordered that they should be conveyed over the
river in one of the boats, at the same time informing

" Floyd's Biiiff, upon which stands the grave of Sergeant Charles Floyd,
was tor many years a well-known hmdnmrlt to Missouri travellers. It is
jual below the present SJoui City, Iowa, and here in 1895 the Floyd Monu-
ment Assorialion erected a shaft to mark his resting place. For his life
and journal, see Thwaites, Original Jrmmals oj Louis and Clark Ex-
fedilUm.^ Ed.

" When a party on a war excur^on arc entirely foiled in their object, t,
dreai of Ihe scoffs which may be expected from their tribe, renders them
furious; and it often happens in such cases, that they throw away thur
clothes, or devote them to the Great Spirit, with an intention to c
despecBtE act. Any white man, or any party of whites, whom (hey meet an
i almost certain la be sacrificed in this case. — Bradbuky.

Early Western Traveh

[Vol 5

them, that if they were again caught by the party, every
man should be sacrificed. From a coincidence of time
and circumstances, it appeared almost certain that it
was this party that had crossed the Missouri, near the
mouth of the river Platte, in the canoe of which we saw
the skeleton on the 28th of April; and that it was also
this party that was discovered by Rogers [79] hovering
about the Otto village, as the Sioux are at war with
the Ottoes: it therefore appeared that Mr. Crooks and
myself had run a greater risk than we were sensible
of at the time.

i6th, 17th, and i8th. — We had a fair wind, and made
considerable progress up the river; few opportunities
were therefore afforded for walking. I regretted this
circumstance, as the bluffs had a very interesting ap-
pearance. During a Short excursion, I was enabled to
ascertain that the lower part of the bluffs was impreg-
nated with sulphur, mixed with sulphate of iron and
selenite crystals.

19th. — About nine o'clock we observed three buffalo
cows and a calf swimming across the river. Two of
them and the calf were killed ; but we found them to be
so poor that we only preserved the calf.

20th. — We were stopped all day by a strong head
wind. I availed myself of this circumstance, and was
very successful in my researches. We found that the
river was rising rapidly; it rose during this day more
than three feet: we therefore concluded that this was
the commencement of the annual flood of the Missouri,
occasioned by the melting of the snow on the Rocky
Mountains.

[80] 2ist. — The river continued to rise, and the cur-

I809-I8I1

Bradbury's Travels

rent to increase in rapidity: the navigation was there-
fore rendered very difficult. I walked the greatest
part of the day, chiefly on the bluffs, and found the
summits for the most part covered with gravel, contain-
ing tumblers of feldspar, granite, and some porphyry.

22d. — In the morning our hunters killed three
buffaloe and two elks on an island ; and as we were now
arriving at the country of our enemies, the Sioux, it
was determined that they should in a great measure
confine themselves to the islands, in their search for
game. We dined at the commencement of a beau-
tiful prairie; afterwards I went to the bluffs, and pro-
ceeded along them till near evening. On regaining the
bank of the river, I walked down to meet the boats, but
did not find them until a considerable time after it was
dark, as they had stopped early in the afternoon, having
met with a canoe, in which were two hunters of the
names of Jones and Carson, who had been two years
near the head of the Missouri." These men agreed to
join the party, and were considered as a valuable acqui-
sition; any accession of strength being now desirable.
This day, for the first time, I was much annoyed by the
abundance of the prickly pear. Against the thorns of
this plant I found that [8i] mockasons are but a slight
defence. I observed two species, cactus opuntia and
mamiUaris.

23d. — When on the bluffs yesterday, I observed in

" Ben Jones and Alexander Carson had probabiy been of the parly of
forty expert riflemen who escorted bad: to his home (iSog), the Mandan
chief who three years before had accompanied Lewis and Clark on a visit
to the East. Carson later settled on the Willamette, Oregon, and was killed
by the Indians at a place which still bears bis name — Alec's Butte, in the
North VamhUl country. — Ed.

Early Western Travels

[Vols

the river an extensive bend, and determined to travel
across the neck." I therefore did not embark with the
boats, but filled my shot pouch with parched com, and
set out, but not without being reminded by Mr. Hunt
that we were now in an enemy's country. In about
two hours I had entirely passed the range of hills form-
ing the boundary of the Missouri ; and as I had before
experienced, I found the soil and face of the country to
improve very much as we proceed from the river. The
hills here are only gentle swellings, and, together with
the intervening valleys, were covered with the most
beautiful verdure. At a small distance from my route
I noticed a space, of several acres in extent, of a more
vivid green than the surrounding prairie, and on my
nearer approach it had the appearance of a rabbit bur-
row. From the previous descriptions given by the
hunters, I immediately conceived it to be, what it
proved, a colony of the prairie dog." The little animals
had taken the alarm before I reached their settlement,
and were sitting singly on the small hillocks of earth at
the [82] mouth of their holes. They were very clamor-
ous uttering a cry which had some resemblance to a
shrill barking. I fired at several, but at the instant of
the flash, they darted with surprising quickness into
their holes, before the shot could reach them. I soon
found the impossibility of procuring one with shot only,
as imless they are instantaneously killed, they are cer-

" This bend would appear lo be the one above Bon Homme lalaod,
with the town of Springfield. South Dakota, on its upper side. — Ed.
'° A spedes of icMrtu or iquincl, not described ii

D the Syst. Natun.-

I809-I8:

Bradbury's Travels

tain to get into their holes, from the edges of which
they never wander if a man is in sight." I continued
to travel through this charming country till near the
middle of the afternoon, when I again came to the
bluffs of the Missouri, where, amongst a number of
new plants, I found a fine species of ribes, or currant.
As it was now time to look for the boats, I went to the
river and proceeded down the bank, in the expectation
of meeting them. I had probably travelled about two
miles, when suddenly I felt a hand laid upon my
shoulder, and turning round, saw a naked Indian with
his bow bent, and the arrow pointed towards me. As I
had no expectation of meeting any Indians excepting
the Sioux, and as with them the idea of danger was as-
sociated, I took my gun from my shoulder, and by a
kind of spontaneous movement put my hand towards
the lock, when I perceived that the Indian drew his
bow still farther. I now found myself completely in
his power; but recollecting that if an enemy, he would
have shot me before I saw him, I held out my hand,
which he [83] took, and afterwards laid his hand on my ■
breast, and in the Osage language said "Moi-he
ton-ga de-ah," literally in English, "Big Knife you?""
which I luckily understood and answered, "Hoya,"
(Yes) and laying my hand on his breast, said, "No-
do-wessie de-ah," (Sioux you.) He replied, "Hon-
koska ponca we ah" (No, Poncar me.) He then

" The prairie-dog {cynomys ludaviciantis) nns unluiomi to sdeoce until
described by Lewis and Clark. It was first named Arclomys Ivdaviciana
in 1815, and afterwards (iSao) made a separate genus. — Ed.

"The Americans ore called "the Big Knives" by the Indians of the
Uisiouri.— Bkadbukv.

Early Western Travels

[Vols

pointed up the river, and I saw two other Indians run-
ning towards us, and not more than fifty yards distant.
They soon came up, and all the three laid hold of me,
, pointing over the bluffs, and making signs that I should
go with them. I resisted and pushed off their hands.
As the river had overflovred where we stood, I pointed
to a sand-hill a small distance from us, to which we
went and sat down. I amused them with my pocket
compass for some time, when they again seized me, and
I still resisted, and took out a small microscope. This
amused them for some time longer, when on a sudden
one of them leaped up and gave the war whoop. I laid
hold of my gun, with an intention to defend myself,
but was instantly relieved from apprehension by his
pointing down the river, and I perceived the mast of
one of the boats appear over the willows. The Indians
seemed very much inclined to run away, but I invited
them to accompany me to [84] the boats, and shewed
them by signs that I would give them something to
drink, which they complied with, but soon after disap-
peared. We travelled very late this evening, and en-
camped above the mouth of a small creek. It appeared
that the three Indians went to inform their nation," as
in the morning a number of them came to our camp
and also a white man, with a letter to Mr. Hunt from
Mr. Lisa, one of the Missouri Fur Company, for whom

" The Ponca are closely allied with the Omaiha, in whose company they
are supposed to have migrated 10 the Missouri, and settled neai the Niobran
River. They had shared the same fate of being, by small-pox and attacks
of Sioui, reduced from a powerful to an insignificant tribe. Being usually
friendly to the wlutes, a trading house was maintained among them for
many yeajB. In 1877 they were removed to Indian Territory, and have
been allotted lands In severalty. They now number about seven hwi'
dred.— Ed.

I809-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

he was agent." Mr. Lisa had arrived at the Mahas
some days after we left, and had dispatched this man
by land. It appeared he had been apprised of the
hostile intentions of the Sioux, and the purport of the
letter was to prevail on Mr. Hunt to wait for him, that
they might, for mutual safety, travel together on that
part of the river which those blood thirsty savages fre-
quent. It was judged expedient to trade with the In-
dians for some jerked buffalo meat, and more than
1000 lbs. was obtained for as much tobacco as cost two
dollars. About noon we set out, and at the distance of
a league passed the mouth of the river called L'Eau
qui Court, or Rapid River.

25th. — It was discovered early this morning, that
two men who had engaged at the Mahas, and had re-
ceived equipments to a considerable value, had deserted
in the night. As it was known that one of them could
not swim, and we had passed a [85] large creek about a
league below, our party went in pursuit of them, but
without success.

** Manuel Lisa was one of the most remarkable figures in the carljr
history of the Missouri fur-trade. Bom of Spanish parents in New Orleans,
in ^^T^, he came to St. Louis probably about 17^. By the bcginaing of
the nineteenth century his energy, address, and ability had secured htm a
large place in the fut-trading fraternity. About iBoo, he obtained a pennit
for monopolizing the trade upon Osage River. Upon the return of Lewis
and Clark (1S06), he organized the Missouri Fur Company, and the follow-
ing year reached the Three Forks of the Missouri in person, building a fort
Ihere. Almost every year Uiereafler he made an expedition up the river,
until his death in 1810. During the Wat of 1812-15, bis influence with the
Indians was exerted on behalf of the United States government, and was
powerful in protecting the Western settlements. Hia success as a trader
aroused bitter jealousy and hostility among his competitors; he has been
called "a fur-trading Corlcz," but it is difficult lo prove that his methods
were more cruel or more treacherous than those of bis rivals. Sec Chitten-
den, AmericanFMT Trade, pp. 115-136. — Ed.

Early IVestem Travels

[Vol. 5

26th. — Whilst at breakfast on a beautiful part of
the river, we observed two canoes descending on the
opposite side. In one, by the help of our glasses, we
ascertained there were two white men, and in the
other only one. A gun was discharged, when they dis-
covered us, and crossed over. We found them to be
three men belonging to Kentucky, whose names were
Robinson, Hauberk, and Reesoner. They had been
several years hunting on and beyond the Rocky Moun-
tains, until they imagined they were tired of the hunting
life; and having families and good plantations in Ken-
tucky, were returning to them; but on seeing us, fami-
lies, plantations, and all vanished ; they agreed to join
us, and turned their canoes adrift. We were glad of
this addition to our number, as the Poncars had con-
firmed all that we had heard respecting the hostile
disposition of the Nodowessies, or Sioux, towards us,
with the additional information, that five nations or
tribes had already assembled, with a determination to
cut us off. Robinson was sixty-six years of age, and
was one of the first settlers in Kentucky. He had been
in several engagements with the Indians there, who
really made it to the first settlers, what its name im-
ports, "The Bloody Ground." In one of these engage-
ments he was [86] scalped, and has since been obliged
to wear a handkerchief on his head to protect the part."

of these three Kenluckians — John Hoback, Jacob Rezner
(Rizner, Eegnier, etc.), and Edward Robinson — is typical of that of m.

hunters lo whom the channa of the wilderness proved iiresistibla ■
and fatal. Having accompanied the Astoriana overland to Snake River, 1
Ihey were deUched on a hunting eitpedition (October lo, i8(t), wilbont 4
having reached Astoria. The neil summer the returning party met them J
in the wilderness, destitute and starving, having been robbed by AmpalM. I
With fresh supplies, Ihcy determined to continue hunting, and accordiiw ]

iSog-i

Bradbury's Travels

The wind being fair, we this day made considerable
progress, and had many fine views of the bluffs, along
which, from the L'Eau qui Court, we observed excellent
roads made by the buffaloes. These roads I had
frequent opportunities of examining, and am of opinion
that no engineer could have laid them out more judi-
ciously.

27th. — The weather contmues fine, as it has been
for the last fortnight, and is delightful. For some days
past it has been very warm, and the carcases of drowned
buffaloes on the islands and shores of the river become
extremely offensive. We had a fine breeze from the
S. E. and made all the sail the extreme cowardice of
our Canadians would permit, in order to reach Little
Cedar Island," as it was intended that we should stop
there to procure new masts, some of our old ones being
defective." Late in the evening we accomplished our
purpose to the joy of our voyageurs, who frequently in
the course of the day, when the boats heeled, cried out
in agony, "O mon Dieu! abatlez le goile." As we had
now in our party five men who had traversed the Rocky
Mountains in various directions, [87] the best possible
route in which to cross them became a subject of anx-
ious enquiry. They all agreed that the route followed

e murdered, together with that ioterpreler,
ver in Wyoming still bears the name of

to the stoiyof Dorion's squav
during the winter of iSij.
Hoback.— Ed.

** One thousand and 5evenly-&vc miles from the mouth of the Missouri.
— Bead BUST.

" There are several islands upon the Missouri named Cedar. The one
la which Bradbury here refers, is that opposite the present town of Cham-
berlain, South Dakota, which was formerly the site of Foit Recovery, a
Missouri Fur Company's post built in iSii. An earlier post in this vicinity
was burned (1810), whence the name of the later fort. — Ed.

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

by Lewis and Clarke was very far from being the best,
and that to the southward, where the head waters of
the Platte and Roche Jaune rivers rise, they had dis-
covered a route much less difficult." This information
induced Mr. Hunt to change his plan, which had origi-
nally been to ascend the Missouri to the Roche Jaune
river, one thousand eight hundred and eighty miles
from the mouth, and at that place to commence his
journey by land. It was now concluded that it would
be more adviseable to abandon the Missouri at the
Aricara Town, four hundred and fifty miles lower down
the river.

28th. — We arose at day-break, and the men soon
found trees suitable for masts. Whilst they were pre-
paring them, I employed myself in examining this de-
lightful spot. The island is about three quarters of a
mUe in length, and five hundred yards in width. The
middle part is covered with the finest cedar, round
which there is a border from sixty to eighty yards in
width, in which were innumerable clumps of rose and
currant bushes, mixed with grape vines, all in flower,
and extremely fragrant. The currant is a new and ele-
gant species, and is described [88] by Pursh" as ribes
aureum. Betwixt the clumps and amongst the cedars,

" Roche Jaune (Yellow Rock) was the French name for Yellowstone
River, which Chittenden, in Yelliraislone Park (Cincinnati, 1903, 4lh ed.),
thinks was a translatioo by French traders of an Indian word having the
same significance. Il took its name from the Grand CaBon of the river,
where yellow b the predominant lint. Lewis and Chirk made permanent
the name Yellowstone, although British explorers had occasionally lued it
before them. — Ed.

•• This man has been suffered to ejtamine the collection of specimens
which I sent to Liverpool, and to describe almost the whole, thereby depriving
me both of the credit and profit of what was justly due to me, — B2ADBUBV.

i8o9-i8iil

Bradbury's Travels

the buffaloes, elks, and antelopes had made paths, which
were covered with grass and flowers. I have never
seen a place, however embellished by art, equal to this
in beauty. In a few hours the masts were completed,
and we proceeded on our voyage with a fine breeze in
our favour. Since our departure from L'Eau qui Court
I noticed that the bluffs had gradually continued to
change in appearance. The quantity of alluvion on
the border of the river decreased as we proceeded, and
has now entirely vanished. The bluffs continue in a
regular declivity from their summits to the edge of the
river, and the narrowness of the valley indicates a
country formed of such hard materials as to oppose
considerable resistance to the abrasion of the river. On
these bluffs, and at about half the distance from the
summit to the river, I began to notice a number of places
of a deep brown colour, apparently divested of vegeta-
tion. They occurred on both sides of the river, with an
exact correspondence in altitude and breadth, and ex-
hibited the appearance of two interrupted lines run-
ning as far as the bluffs could be seen. As we were now
in an enemy's country, it [89] was with reluctance Mr.
Hunt suffered me to land a little before dinner, when I
proceeded to examine one of these spots. I found it
almost entirely covered with iron ore, of that species
called by Kirwan compact iron stone; in Waller Syst. 2,
p. 144, htEmaiilis solidus. Its specific gravity is 3.482.
The oxidation of the ore had so changed the earth, that
it resembled Spanish brown, and nothing grew on it
but a few scattered shrubs of a species of artemisia,
apparently a non-descript. I hastened to the boats, in
which we kept our sails up the rest of the day, the bodies

Early JVestem Travels

[VoLs

of ore becoming longer and more frequent as we pro-
ceeded. We travelled eighteen miles, and encamped one
hour after sunset.

29th. — Some arrangements being necessary, the
boats did not set out so early as usual, and daylight
opened to our view one of the most interesting pros-
pects I had ever seen. We had encamped at the com-
mencement of a stretch of the river, about fifteen miles
in length, as we judged, and nearly in a right line. The
bluffs on both sides formed, as before, a gentle slope to
the river, and not a single tree was visible. The body
of iron ore had now become continuous on both sides
of the river, and exhibited the appearance of two dark
brown stripes, about one hundred yards in breadth,
and fifteen miles long. The exact conformity of the
two lines, and the contrast of colour produced [90] by
the vivid green which bounded them, formed a coup
d'oeil which I have never seen paralleled. I lamented
much that the wind was fair, but availed myself of the
short delay, and hastened up the bluff to the vein of ore,
where, although the soil was so strongly impregnated
with iron as to resemble rust, I observed a number of
large white flowers on the ground, belonging to a new
species of cBtiolkera, having neither stem nor scape, the
flower sitting immediately on the root. On a signal
being given from the boats, I was obliged to return, and
had no further opportunity to examine this enormous
body of ore, without doubt sufficient to supply the whole
of North America with iron for thousands of years: and
if we combine in the same view the abundance of coal
on the Missouri, it warrants a presumption that in some
future age it will become an object of vast national im-

portance.

i8o9-i8ii]

Brad&vry^i Travth

103

30th. — We set out this morning with a favomabJe
wind, which continued during the whole of the day;
and the course of the river being fess crooked than
usual, we made thirty miles, and slept 00 an island.

31st. — Before breakfast this niOTnii^ wie dis cov ere d
two Indians on a Uuff on the north-east ade of the
river: we stopped opposite to them to breakfast, during
•which they frequently harangued [91] us in a loud tooe
of voice. After we had breakfasted, Mr. Hunt crossed
the river to speak to them, and took with him Dcnion,
the interpreter. We noticed, that when he la n ded, one
of the Indians went away, but immediately after re-ap-
peared on horseback, and went at fuD speed over the
bluffs. Mr. Hunt informed us on his return, that these
Indians belonged to the Sioux nations; that three
tribes were encamped about a league from u», and had
two hundred and eighty lodges. They were the Yang-
tons Ahnab, the Tetons Bois Brul^, and the Tetons
Min-na-kine-azzo. The Indian informed Mr. Hunt
that they had been waiting for us eleven days, with a
decided intention of opposing our progress, as they
would suffer no one to trade with the Ricaras, ifandans,
and Minaterees, being at war with those nations. It is
usual to reckon two warriors to each lodge ; we there-
fore found that we had to oppose near six hundred
savages, with the character of whom we were well
acquainted;'" [92] and it had also been stated by the

" In the sutUdcal »ccounI of the Minouri, by Lewis, read before Con-
~n February, tSo6, the charader of theae Indiuii » thus described: —
"These aic the vilest mivrcants of the uvage tue, nod must ever remain
the pirates of the Mbsouri, until such measures are pursued by our govem-
menl as will make Ihem feel a dependence on lu will for their supply of
merchandize. Unless these people arc reduced lo order by coerdve meas-
ures, 1 am ready to pronounce that the citizens of the United States can

104.

Early Western Travels

[Vol-s

Indian that they were in daily expectation of being joined
by two other tribes, Tetons Okandandas and Tetons
Sahone." We proceeded up the river, and passed
along an island, which for about half an hour inter-
cepted our view of the northeast side of the river. On
reaching the upper point we had a view of the bluffs,
and saw the Indians pouring down in great numbers,
some on horseback, and others on foot. They soon

ticTcr enjoj, but partiBlly, the advantages which the Missouri presents.
Relying on a regular supply ot merchandi/e through the channel o( the river
St. Peter's, they view with contempt the merchants of the Missouri, whom
they never fail to plunder when in their power. Persua^on or advice with
them is viewed as supplication, and only tends to inspire [hem with contempt
for those who offer either. The tameness with which the traders of the
Missouri have heretofore submitted to their rapacity, has tended not a Uttle
to inspire them with a poor opinion ot the white persons who visit Ihem
through that channel. A prevalent idea, and one which they make the rule
of their conduct, is, that (he more harshly they behave towards the trader*,
the greater the quantjiy of merchandize they will bring them, and that they
will obtain the articles they wish on better term). They have endeavoured
to inspire the Aricaras with similar seotimeDts, but happily without effect."
— Bbadbckv.

" Bradbury here follows the nomenclature of Lewis and Clark as given
in their Slalislical View (London, iSoj), which differs from their originAl
manuscripts; sec Original Journals of Lewit and Clark Expediiim,
appendix. At present the Teton arc classified in seven bands; see Bureau
of Ethnology Report, 1893-94, pp. 153-158. The Teton were an important
branch of the Dakota, numbering at the time of Bradbury's journey about
five thousand, inhaluting the territory of the upper Missouri and the neigh-
borhood of the Black Hills. They were exceedingly troublesome to tiaden
in all the days of the Missouri traffic, and could only be overawed by show
of force. Their alliance with British traders from the Red River rcgioil
Tendered them independent of the Americans and hostile to their plans;
the Teton outbreak in the War of 1S12-15 being with difficulty restrained.
Their opposition to trading parties passing up the river arose partly from
enmity with the Indians above, whom they did not wish to have furnished
with fire-arms, and partly from a desite to act as middle-men, hoping to
reap profit in the trade. Justly known as the "pirates of the Missouri,"
the Teton have always been difficult to control; they had their full share
in the Sioux wars of rS63, rS76, and rS9o. They are now living upon
reservations chiefly in South Dakota, with one band iu Montana. — Ed.

1809- 1

Bradbury's Travels

^05

took possession of a point a little above us, and ranged
themselves along the bank of the river. By the help
of our glasses, we could perceive that they were all
armed and painted for war. Their arms consisted
chiefly of bows and arrows, but a few had short carbines:
they were also provided with round shields. We had an
ample sufficiency of arms for the whole party, which
[93] now consisted of sixty men ; and besides our small
arms, we had a swivel and two howitzers. Any at-
tempt to avoid the Indians would have been abortive,
as a boat, in ascending the Missouri, can only effect it
by going along the edges of the river, it being wholly
impossible to stem the middle current; and as the banks
are in many places high and perpendicular, we must
inevitably be frequently in their power, as they might
several times in the course of a day shower a volley of
arrows upon us, and retire unseen. Our alternative,
therefore, was, as we supposed, either to fight them or
return. The former was immediately decided on, and
we landed nearly opposite to the main body. Our first
care was to put all the arms in complete order: after-
wards the swivel and the howitzers were loaded with
powder only, and fired to impress them with an idea
that we were well prepared. They were then heavily
loaded, and with as many bullets as it was supposed
they would bear, after which we crossed the river.
When we arrived within about one hundred yards of
them, the boats were stationed, and all seized their
arms. The Indians now seemed to be in confusion,
and when we rose up to fire, they spread their buffaloe
robes before them, and moved them from side to side.
Our interpreter called out, and desired us not to fire,
as the action indicated, on their part, a wish to avoid an

io6

Early JVestem Travels

[V0I.S

engagement, and to [94] come to a parley. We accord-
ingly desisted, and saw about fourteen of the chiefs
separate themselves from the crowd who were on the
summit of the bank, and descend to the edge of the
river, where they sat down on the sand, forming them-
selves into a portion of a circle, in the centre of which
we could see preparations making to kindle a fire,
evidently with a design to smoke the calumet with us,
and signs were made, inviting us to land. Mr, Hunt
requested that Messrs. Crooks, M'Kenzie, Miller, and
M'Clellan" would attend him in his boat, and I accom-

" These were the partners in the enterprise. For Hunt. Crooks, and
McKenzie, see notes 1-4, ante.

Joseph Miller was a well-educnfed man, of a good family in Baltimore,
who joined the United States array in 1799, having by 1802 become lieu-
tenant of the isl infantry. His fiery lemper, however, could nol brook
miUlary discipline, and upon being refused a furlough he resigned (iSoj).
Thereupon he drifted to St. Louis, and began an individual career of fur-
trading, hunting, and trapping. In 1S09 he was a member of the Crooks-
McClellan party, and with them joined the Astoriana. Becoming, in the
autumn of this same year, disgusted with the iU-success of the enterprise,
he abandoned the expedition at Fort Henry, on Snake River, in spile of the
remonstrances of the rest of the party. Stuart met Miller on his overland
return journey ( 181 j). and the latter acted for some time as guide. Ajter his
return to St. Louis with this division, nothing more is known of bis career.

Robert McClellan possessed great strength, agility, and ilaring, and
before entering the fur-trade had had much experience in Indian fighting.
He had been one of Wayne's chief scouts in the tatter's campaigns against
the Northwest Indians. For an account of these exploits, see Roosevelt,
Winning o] the Weil, iv, pp. 80-81. Lewis and Clark upon their return
(1806), met him on a trading journey to the Omaha. The following year
he formed a partnership with Ramsay Crooks, and built a wintering-house
near old Coundl Bluffs. McClelJan's hostility to Manuel Lisa arose from
his behef that the latter had played hitn false upon an ejcpedition up the
river in iSotj. McClellan reached Astoria in January, 1813; in July of the
same year he determined to return to St. Louis with Stuart's party. After
wandering nine months in the wildertiess, they finally arrived at their deiti-
n April 30, 1813. See appendix iii, posl. McClellan died three yean
is proved by a published notice for administering his estate, — ED.

later, a

I809-18II]

Bradbury^s Travels

107

panied Mr. M'Kenzie. The object was to consider
whether it was advisable to put so much confidence in
so ferocious and faithless a set, as to accept the invita-
tion. It did not require much deliberation, as we found
ourselves under the necessity of either fighting or treat-
ing with them; it was therefore determined to hazard
the experiment of going ashore. The party who re-
mained in the boats were ordered to continue in readi-
ness to fire on the Indians instantly, in case of treachery,
and Messrs. Hunt, M'Kenzie, Croaks. Miller, and
M'CIellan, with the interpreter and myself, went ashore.
We found the chiefs sitting where they had first placed
themselves, as motionless as statues; and without any
hesitation or delay, we sat down on the sand in such a
manner as to complete the circle. When we were all
seated, the pipe was [95] brought by an Indian, who
seemed to act as priest on this occasion: he stepped
within the circle, and lighted the pipe. The head was
made of a red stone, known by mineralogists under the
term of kUlas, and is often found to accompany copper
ore: it is procured on the river St. Peter's, one of the
principal branches of the Mississippi." The stem of
the pipe was at least sLx feet in length, and highly deco-
rated with tufts of horse hair, dyed red. After the pipe
was lighted, he held it up towards the sun, and after-
wards pointed it towards the sky in different directions.

" The red pipeslone used by Ihe Indians (or their calumets was found at
Pipestone quarry, in a county of that name in southwestern Minnesota.
This was first visited and described by George Catlin in 1836, and in his
honor the stone is now known as ' ' catlinite.' ' Ii is not confined, however,
to this one locality, but is also found in Dakota, Wisconsin, and Iowa-
See AmerUan Naluratiil, July, iS8j, tor a good description of t h' .t material
and the pipes made therefrom, — Ed.

io8

Early fVestem Travels

[Vols

He then handed it to the great chief, who smoked a few
whiffs, and taking the head of the pipe in his hand,
commenced by applying the other end to the lips of Mr.
Hunt, and afterwards did the same to every one in the
circle. When this ceremony was ended, Mr. Hunt
rose, and made a speech in French, which was translated
as he proceeded into the Sioux language, by Dorion.
The purport of the speech was to state, that the object
of our voyage up the Missouri was not to trade; that
several of our brothers had gone to the great salt lake
in the west, whom we had not seen for eleven moons;
that we had come from the great salt lake in the east,
on our way to see our brothers, for whom we had been
crying ever since they left us; and our lives were now
become so miserable for the want of our brothers, that
we would rather die than not go to [g6] them, and would
kill every man that should oppose our passage: that we
had heard of their design to prevent our passage up
the river, but we did not wish to believe it, as we were
determined to persist, and were, as they might see, well
prepared to effect our purpose; but as a proof of our
pacific intentions, we had brought them a present of
tobacco and com. About fifteen carrottes of tobacco,
and as many bags of com, were now brought from the
boat, and laid in a heap near the great chief, who then
rose and began a speech, which was repeated in French
by Dorion. He commenced by stating that they were
at war with the Ricaras, Mandans, and Gros Ventres
or Minaterees, and that it would be an injury to them
if these nations were furnished with arms and ammuni-
tion; but as they found we were only going to our
brothers, they would not attempt to stop us: that he

i8o9-i8ii] Bradbury's Travels 109

also had brothers at a considerable distance northward,
whom he had not seen for a great many moons, and for
whom he also had been crying. He professed himself
satisfied with our present, and advised us to encamp
on the other side of the river, for fear his young men
should be troublesome. When the speech was ended,
we all rose, shook hands, and returned to the boats.
During the conference, I had an opportunity of noticing
these Indians, a great number of whom were assembled
on the bank above us, and observed that [97] they are
in stature considerably below the Osages, Mahas, and
Poncars, and much less robust. They are also more
deficient in clothing and ornaments, a considerable
number being entirely naked, but all armed. Several
of our party were acquainted with these tribes, and
represent them much as described by Lewis. Although
the squaws are very ill treated by all Indians, it is said
they are treated much worse by the Sioux than any other
tribe, whence it follows that mothers frequently destroy
their female children, alleging as a reason, that it is
better they should die than continue a life so miserable
as that to which they are doomed. Amongst the Sioux
women, it is idso said, suicide is not unfrequent, and
the mode which they adopt to put an end to their exis-
tence, is, by hanging themselves. They are of opinion
that suicide is displeasing to the Father of Life, and
believe it will be punished in the land of spirits by their
ghosts being doomed for ever to drag the tree on which
they hung themselves : for this reason they always sus-
pend themselves to as small a tree as can possibly sus-
tain theu- weight. In the course of the afternoon we
met a chief who belonged to a party of Teton Okandan-

-I

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

das, which consisted, he said, of thirty lodges. He
requested to have a passage in the boats for the remain-
der of the day. It was granted to him, and he remained
with us during the night.

[98] June I. — This morning the old chief was con-
veyed over the river, and landed on the opposite side,
as he said he expected to meet his people, but we
did not see him again. In the afternoon we entered
upon the Great Bend, or, as the French call it, the Grand
Detour, and encamped about five miles above the lower
entrance. This bend is said to be twenty-one miles in
circuit by the course of the river, and only nineteen
hundred yards across the neck.^'

2d.^ In the morning early we discovered two In-
dians standing on the bluffs, who upon discovering us,
spread their buffalo robes to denote that they were
amicably inclined towards us. We crossed over the
river, and when we approached them, they extended
their arms in a horizontal position. This action, I was
informed, was an appeal to our clemency. When we
landed they showed evident symptoms of alarm. This
was soon accounted for by Messrs. Crooks, M'Clellan,
and Miller, who informed us that they knew these fel-
lows, and that they were chiefs of the Sahonies and
Okanandans, who the year preceding had behaved
extremely ill, by plundering and otherwise maltreating
them, in such a manner as to render it necessary for
their safety to escape down the river in the night, and

" Lewis and Clark estimated the drcuit of the Great Bend as being
thirty miles, and the distance across the neck two thousand yards. Accord-
ing to the Missouii River Commission's map, the bend is now about twenty-
five miles around. It is in South Dakota, between the Crow Creek and
Lower Brul^ Indian reservations. — Ed.

i8o9-i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels

abandon the trade with [99] the upper Indians for that
year, which had been a great loss to them. They
seemed very apprehensive that Mr. Crooks would now
resent their conduct; but after we had smoked with
them they became more tranquil. During the smok-
ing, Mr. Hunt asked them why they killed white men,
as he heard that they had kUled three during the last
summer? They replied, because the white men kill
us: that man (pointing to Carson) killed one of our
brothers last summer. This was true. Carson, who
was at that time among the Ricaras, fired across the
Missouri at a war party of Sioux, and it was by a very
extraordinary chance he killed one of them, as the river
is fuU half a mile in breadth, and in retaliation the Sioux
killed three white men. I observed that, as before, in
smoking the pipe they did not make use of tobacco, but
the bark of cornus sanguinea, or red dog wood, mixed
with the leaves of rhus glabrum, or smooth sumach.
This mixture they call kinnikineck. After we had
smoked, they spoke of the poverty of their tribes, and
concluded by saying they expected a present. A few
carrottes of tobacco and bags of com were laid at their
feet, with which they appeared satisfied. As these were
the last of the Sioux tribes we expected to meet, I now
determined to walk all day, and was much pleased that
the restraint imposed on me by the proximity of these
vagabonds was [100] removed. I therefore proceeded
up the bluffs nearly abreast of the boats. In about a
quarter of an hour afterwards two other Indians rode
hastily past me, and overtook the boats. I observed
that they had a short conference with Mr. Hunt, when
they turned their horses about, and again rode past me,

I I 2

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

seemingly in a rage. Mr. Hunt called to me, and re-
quested that I would come on board instantly, when he
informed me that these fellows were also chiefs, and
had seen our presents, with which they were much dis-
satisfied, and in consequence had followed the boats to
extort more. In reply to their insolent demands, Mr.
Hunt informed them that ' ' he had given all he intended
to give, and would give no more," adding, "that he
was much displeased by their importunity, and if they
or any of their nation again followed us with similar
demands, he would consider them as enemies, and treat
them as such." As we were not exactly acquainted
with the strength of these two tribes, and expected
that, in consequence of the disappointment in their
rapacious demands, they would attack us, it was ar-
ranged that the large boat should ascend on the N. E.
side of the river, and the three small boats on the S. W.
as the bluflfs on either side of the river can be seen much
better from the opposite side; and it was agreed that
the signal on seeing Indians [loi] should be two shots
fired in quick succession. As we had not much appre-
hension of being attacked on the S. W. side, I went
ashore after dinner, and continued along the river
nearly on a line with the boats, and about four o'clock
heard the signal given of Indians being seen. I in-
stantly ran towards the boats, and arrived as they were
preparing to quit the shore to aid Mr. Hunt and his
party in the large boat, who were then apparently in
the most imminent danger. They had passed betwixt
a large sand bar and the shore, and it was evident to
us that at that juncture they found the water too shal-
low at the upper end, and were under the necessity of

i8o9-i8ii

Bradbury's Travels

turning back. The sand bar prevented the possibility
of putting out into the river, and we saw with horror
that at least a hundred Indians had arrived on the bank
at the lower end of the bar: we could also perceive
that they were a war party, as they were painted with
black and white stripes, and all had shields." We had
every reason to conclude that these were the Teton
Okandandas and the Teton Sahonies, and our anxiety
for the safety [102] of Mr. Hunt and the party in the
large boat was indescribable when we saw large bodies of
Indians every moment arrive at the point near which he
must unavoidably pass, before we could possibly give
him any assistance: but our anxiety was changed to
surprise on seeing the boat pass within a short distance
of them unmolested ; soon after which the Indians ran
along the bank to the upper end of the sand bar, threw
down their arms, their shields, and their buffalo robes,
and plunged into the river in crowds to meet us; and
before we could reach the sand bar, they were round our
boats, holding up their hands in such numbers, that it
became tiresome to shake hands with so many. We
now found that this was a war party, consisting of
Aricaras, Mandans, and Minetarees, or Gros Ventres,"

" It may be observed here, that all the Indians who inhabit the prairie
use shields in war; but to those who inhabit a woody region they are wholly
unknown: as in action, excepting in close fight, each man conceals himself
behind a tree. The shields made use of are circular, and are nearly thirty
inches in diameter. They are covered with three or four folds of buffalo
skin, dried hard in the sun, and are proof against ajrows, but not against a
bullet. — BKADBuav.

" These three tribes, although of different stocks, had become closely
associated with one another by the exigencies of,war and the propinquity of
their villages. They still live on the same reservation — Fort Beithold, in
North Dakota.

The Arikara are a Caddoan tribe, and appear in the seventeenth cen-

114

Karly Western Travels

[Vol. s

who were coming against the Sioux, and having
discovered us, had determined for the present to aban-
don the enterprise, expecting that on our arrival at
the Aricara Town they should obtain a supply of fire
arms and ammunition, which would give them a superi-
ority over their enemies. During the ceremony of
shaking hands we were joined by the large boat, and
it was agreed that we should encamp at the first cen-
tury to havt broken away fram iheir kinsfolk ihe Pawnee, and odvaoced
northward into the Sioux country. They lived below the Cheyenne River
until lale in the eighteenth century, when they moved still farther north to
be near the Mandan. Lewis and Clark found them at war with the latter
tribe, however, but effected a peace between their chiefs. The Ankara
carried on an extensive commerce in horses, and their alliance was much
■ought by the traders, to whom, however, they often proved treacherous.
Lewis and Clark note that they abstained from spirituous liquors. They
now number about four hundred.

The Mandan were one of the most famous of the Western tribes, because
of their strategic position at the most northerly point of the Missouri River,
not far from the British fur>trading region of the Assiniboine and Saskat-
chewan rivers. They were visited by the French in the first half <rf the
eighteenth century, Chevalier de la Vfrendrye setting out thence to explore
the Rocky Mountains, (See Thwaites, Rochy Mountain ExploraHon,
New York, 1903.) Lewis and Clark wintered among the Mandan (1S04-05},
and found them in two villages not far from the site of Bismarck. North
Dakota. They then numbered about two thousand, but had been much
more numerous, for remains of nine abandoned villages were noted by the
explorers. The Mandan are of Siouan origin, but more sedentary than
moat of their tribes; they fortified their villages and were occupied with
agriculture. In 1837 a severe scourge of small-pox reduced their numbers
to less than a hundred, whereupon they amalgamated with the Arikanu
There are now about two hundred and fifty Mandan.

The Minitaree (called by the French Grosventres) are of the HidatSB
family, allied with the Crows. They numbered two thousand five hundred
at the time of Lewis and Clark, and having long lived with the Mandan
had adopted many of their customs, but not their language. They wa»
usually friendly to traders. There are now about four hundred of this
tribe.

Allotments in severalty have been made to many members of these thrw
tribes, while a good proportion of them have houses and profitably practixA I
agriculture. — Ed.

r8o9-i8ii] Bradbury's Travels 115

venient place. We soon found one that was suitable,
and the Indians fixed their camp about one hundred
yards from ours. I now ascertained that the party con-
sisted of nearly three hundred warriors. As we [103]
had plenty of provisions, a supply was given to the In-
dians, who prepared their supper, after which the
chiefs and principal warriors came to our tents. In Mr.
M'Kenzie's tent there were seven of them, none of
whom appeared to me to be lower than five feet ten
inches, and some were more than six feet. Most of them
had very good countenances, differing from the heavy
face of the Osage, and the keen visage of the Sioux.
One of them who had an aquiline nose, had a scarified
line running along each arm, which met on his stomach.
This our interpreter informed us was done to show
his grief for the death of his father. Whilst I was en-
deavouring to converse with him, an Indian boy came
into the tent, and handed water round to the chiefs in a
gourd shell tied to the end of a stick. He spoke to the
boy, who went out, but soon returned with a new pair of
ornamented mockasons, and handed them to the war-
rior, who it then appeared had observed that mine were
dirty and much worn, as he took them ofif my feet, and
put on the new pair, which he tied himself. Observing
that he had a short carbine and powder flask, I begged to
look at the latter, and finding it only contained a very
small quantity of powder, I immediately filled it from
my own flask. He was greatly pleased with the acqui-
sition of so much powder, and informed me that he was
a Ricara, and should meet me at their town, where we
should be brothers. We [104] were interrupted by
one of the chiefs crying "How," which signifies among

C i

ii6

E^rly Western Travels

[Vols

the Indians, "Come on," or "let us begin." This
occasioned silence, and he began to strike on one hand
with a war club which he held in the other. It had a
globular head, on one side of which was fixed the blade
of a knife, five or six inches in length. The head was
hollow, and contained small bits of metal, which made
a jingling noise as he struck it in quick time. The
singing now commenced, and continued at intervals
until past midnight. The song is very rude, and it
does not appear that they combine the expression of
ideas and music, the whole of their singing consisting
in the repetition of the word ha six or seven times in one
tone, after which they rise or fall a third, fourth, or
fifth, and the same in quick time. I observed that
their voices were in perfect unison, and although, ac-
cording to our ideas of music, there was neither har-
mony nor melody, yet the effect was pleasing, as there
was evidently system, all the changes of tone being as
exactly conformable in point of time, as if only one
voice had been heard. Whenever their performance
ceased, the termination was extremely abrupt, by pro-
nouncing the word Atwif in a quick and elevated tone.**
On the morning of the 3d, the chiefs declared to Mr.
Hunt their intention of immediately returning [105] to
their nation, where they expected to arrive in three days,
although they had been sixteen days in coming out.
They also demanded some arms and ammimition.
This demand, being conformable to the custom of war
parties, had been foreseen, but was not complied with.

" See on this Bubject, Fletcher, "Indian Songs," in Century Magatim,

av, p. 431; and a more detailed artide, "Study ot Omaha Indian Music,'
n Peabody Museum Archaologiatl and Ethnological Fafers, i,

k L

'^ 1

Ed. ^^^^I

i8o9-i8ii]

Bradburfs Travels

117

Mr. Hunt informmg them, that when we arrived at
their nation, we should furnish abundance. After we
had left them, the chief overtook us on horseback, and
said that his people were not satisfied to go home with-
out some proof of their having seen the white men.
Mr. Hunt could not now resist, and gave him a cask of
powder, a bag of balls, and three dozen of knives, with
which he was much pleased. Whilst the articles were
delivering to him, an Indian came running up, and in-
formed us that there was a boat in sight, coming up
the river. We immediately concluded that it was the
boat belonging to Manuel Lisa, and after proceeding
five or six miles, we waited for it. I was much pleased
on the boat's joining us, to find that Mr. Henry Brack-
enridge was along with Mr. Lisa; I became acquainted
with him at St. Louis, and found him a very amiable
and interesting young man. Mr. Lisa had made the
greatest possible exertions to overtake us, being well
apprised of the hostile disposition of the Sioux. He
had met a boat, which, it appeared, had passed us in
the night, and the people informed him that they had
been fired upon by the [106] Indians. As the conjunct
party now consisted of ninety men, and we were ap-
proaching the nations that were at war with the Sioux,
our fears almost subsided; for myself, I was much
gratified on finding the restraints removed which had
so long circumscribed my motions. In the early part of
this day the wind was fair, but after we had proceeded
some miles, it changed to north-east, and blew so strong,
that we could not stem the torrent, which was increased
by the rising of the river. I went to the bluffs, which in
this part are of considerable elevation, but rise in a

Early Western Travels

[Vols

gentle slope from the river: near the summit is a stratum
of deep brown-coloured earth, from two to three hun-
dred feet in breadth, on the declivity of the hill. This
earth appears mostly to consist of decomposed iron ore,
and is evidently a continuation of that seen near Little
Cedar Island, although distant from it near a hundred
miles in a right line. I observed, that uniformly the
flat tops of the hills were almost covered with masses
of stone, chiefly breccia. There was something so sin-
gulariy constant in this appearance, that I was tempted
to attend to a particular examination, and became con-
vinced that these groupes of stone were the passive
cause of the hills. If the group was of an oblong form,
the hill was a ridge; if it was nearly circular, the hill
was a cone. It would be difficult to describe the sensa-
tions occasioned by a view at once of these hills [107]
and the valley of the Missouri. The mind is irre-
sistibly impressed with the belief that the whole surface
of the surrounding country was once at least on a level
with the tops of these hills; and that all below has been
carried away by the erosion of water, from which it
has been protected in the parts where these stones were
collected." I remarked this day, that the wolves were
more numerous and more daring than in any former
part of our voyage. Within the last week we frequendy
saw a few every day, but now, some of them were almost
constantly in sight, and so fearless, as frequently to
stand at no great distance to gaze. For the present,
they were protected by their worthlessness, their skins

" An enquiry into the length of lime which it has required to produce
this effect, might be a matter o£ great interest to Ihe Chinese pbUosopheis. —

i8og-i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels

119

being out of season. It appears that in a natural state,
the wolf is a diurnal animal ; but in the neighbourhood
of condensed and stationary population its habits
change, and it becomes nocturnal.''* On my route this
day I saw numei-ous colonies of the prairie dog; and
from the frequency of the occurrence, I noticed that my
approach to their [108] bxurows was announced by the
screams of a species of curlew. I shot one, and ascer-
tained it to be a variety of scolopax arquata; and per-
ceived, after I noticed the fact, that the alarm was in-
variably given. On my return to the boats, I found
that some of the leaders of our party were extremely
apprehensive of treachery on the part of Mr, Lisa, who
bemg now no longer in fear of the Sioux, they suspected
had an intention of quitting us shortly, and of doing us
an injury with the Aricaras. Independent of this feel-
ing, it had requb-ed all the address of Mr. Hunt to pre-
vent Mr. M'CIellan or Mr. Crooks from calling him to
account for instigating the Sioux to treat them ill the
preceding year. Besides, it was believed by all, that
although apparently friendly, he wjls anxiously desir-
ous that the expedition should fail. Lisa had twenty
oars, and made much greater expedition than we could;
it was evident, therefore, that he had it in his power to
leave us, and it was determined to watch his conduct
narrowly.

4th. — The boats did not make much way, and I
walked chiefly on and beyond the bluffs, which I found

" During Ibe autumn, whilst the Tn riiang are cmploj'ed in killing game
for their winter's stock, the wolves assodale in Socks, and follow them at a
diltiMcc to feed on the refuse of the carcasses; and will often sit within view,
waiting until the Indians have taken what they chuse, and abandoned the
rest — Bjudburv.

Early ff^estem Travels

[Vol.5

of the same description as those observed yesterday,
and on still farther examination, became more confinned
in my opinion regarding the origin of the hills. On
the summit of one I found some fragments of bones in
a petrified state, apparently [109] belonging to the
buffalo. I had for some time past noticed on the de-
clivities circular spaces of about six or seven feet in diam-
eter, wholly divested of every kind of vegetation, and
covered with small gravel. The frequent occurrence
of these this day attracted my more particular atten-
tion, and I found that they were caused by a lai^e
species of black ant, hundreds of which were running in
every direction within the area with astonishing ac-
tivity. On finding a large beetie, I put it in the centre
of one of these areas, when it was instantly seized by
those nearest to it. For a short time the ants were
dragged along with ease; but by some unknown and
surprising faculty the intelligence was immediately
spread throughout the whole space: the ants ran from
every direction towards the centre, and in a few seconds
the poor beetle became completely covered, and escape
was impossible.

5th. — We had not proceeded more than four miles
before a very heavy rain commenced, and we were com-
pelled to stop and fix up the tents. I went as usual to
the bluffs, and on my return to secure some interesting
specimens of plants, found that Lisa had encamped
about one hundred yards above us. After I had dried
my clothes, I again visited the bluffs in company with
Mr. Brackenridge. We discovered on the bank of a
small creek the remains of an Indian encampment,
which had [no] apparently been occupied by a con-

1809-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

siderable number, and for some time, as there was a
great quantity of bones spread on the ground, and the
marks where the wigwams stood were numerous. We
agreed that the situation was judiciously chosen to
prevent surprise. On ascending the hills, and looking
over the summit, we observed near us a small herd of
buffaloes, consisting of two cows and three bulls. We
immediately drew back, and taking advantage of a
ravine, approached within thirty or forty yards, and
fired. We wounded one of the cows, which Mr. Brack-
enridge pursued. Several other herds of buffaloes were
in view, and sorae antelopes or cabri. I found the
hills all capped with stones, and was still more confirmed
in my opinion respecting their formation by observing
some large detached blocks, each lying on a small pyra-
mid of clay. After Mr. Brackenridge joined me, we
saw a large hare, lepus variabilis, the first I had noticed,
and also a number of wolves in several directions, and
returning through an extensive colony of prairie dogs,
we regained the boats. Immediately on my return to
our camp, a circumstance happened that for some time
threatened to produce tragical consequences. We
learned that, during our absence, Mr. Lisa had in-
vited Dorion, our interpreter, to his boat, where he had
given him some whiskey, and took that opportunity
of avowing his intention to take him away from [iii]
Mr. Hunt, in consequence of a debt due by Dorion
to the Missouri Fur Company, for whom Lisa was agent.
Dorion had often- spoken to us of this debt, and in
terms of great indignation at the manner in which it
had been incurred, alleging that he had been charged
the most exorbitant prices for articles had at Fort

Rarly Western Travels

[Vol. s

Mandan, and in particular ten dollars per quart for
whiskey. Some harsh words having passed betwixt
him and Lisa, he returned to our camp. On the instant
of my arrival, Mr. Lisa came to borrow a cordeau, or
towing-line, from Mr. Hunt, and being perceived by
Dorion, he instantly sprang out of his tent, and struck
him. Lisa flew into the most violent rage, crying out,
"O man Dieul ou est mon couteaul" and ran precipi-
tately to his boat. As it was expected he would return
armed, Dorion got a pair of pistols, and took his ground,
the party ranging themselves in order to witness the
event. Soon after Mr. Lisa appeared without pistols;
but it was observed that he had his knife in his girdle.
As Dorion had disclosed what had passed in Lisa's
boat, Messrs. Crooks and M'Clellan were each very
eager to take up the quarrel, but were restrained by
Mr. Hunt, until an expression from Lisa, conveying
an imputation upon himself, made him equally desirous
of fighting. He told Lisa that the matter should be
settled by themselves, and desired him to fetch his pis-
tols. I followed Lisa to his boat, [112] accompanied
by Mr, Brackenridge, and we with difficulty prevented
a meeting, which, in the present temper of the parties,
would certainly have been a bloody one.

The river bad risen considerably during the night,
and we were now convinced that the floods we had
before encountered, and which were of short duration,
were only partial, and caused by the rising of the tribu-
tary streams that have their sources in the lower regions.
The periodical flood is occasioned by the melting of
the snows on the Rocky Mountains, and the plains at
their feet. The boats ascended with difficulty, which

I809-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

123

gave opportunities for walking the whole of the day.
In the early part, we passed the remains of an old Ari-
cara village. The scite was indicated by an embank-
ment, on which there had been pallisadoes, as the
remains were still visible. Within the area, the vestiges
of the lodges were very apparent, and great quantities
of bones and fragments of earthenware were scattered
in every part. The wolves are still numerous, and are
mostly of a light grey colour, with a few black hairs
intermixed on the hind part of the back : they are seen
singly, and although not timid, show no disposition to
attack. Happening to come on one this day suddenly
and unperceived, I shot him. He was large, and ap-
peared to be old, as his teeth were much worn.
[113] The country beyond the bluffs continues still very
fine, but cut up in many places by deep ravines, occa-
sioned by torrents during heavy rains. The sides of
these ravines uniformly exhibited an under stratum
of hard yellow clay, of an indeterminate depth.

7th. — Went out early on the S. W. side, with some
of the hunters, and on reaching the summit of the bluffs,
observed, in a westwardly direction, a range of high
hills, apparently at the distance of thirty or forty miles.
These, I was informed by the hunters, bounded the
Chien or Chayenne River. Two buffaloes were killed,
and one cabri, or antelope. The hunter who killed the
last assured me that he had allured it by putting a hand-
kerchief at the end of his ramrod, and lying down,
continued to wave it, whilst he remained concealed.
The animal, it seems, after a long contest betwixt
curiosity and fear, approached near enough to become
a sacrifice to the former.

124

Early Western Travels

rVol-s

8th.— Since the affair of the 5th, our party have had
no intercourse with that of Mr. Lisa, as he kept at a
distance from us, and mostly on the opposite side of
the river. This deprived me of the society of my
friend Brackenridge. I regretted this circumstance,
and purposed to join him this morning, but was pre-
vented by our stopping [114] on an island to breakfast,
where our hunters killed two buffaloe and two elks.
Of the former we had for some days past seen a great
number of herds, consisting of from fifty to a hundred
in each. On expressing my surprise at seeing so many,
the hunters assured me, that so far from its being ex-
traordinary, they had been in the expectation of seeing
them in much greater numbers. Some of the hunters,
who had been six or eight years about the head of the
Missouri, said they had seen them during their annual
migrations from north to south in autumn, and to the
northward in spring; and agreed in stating, that at these
times they assemble in vast herds, and march in regular
order. Some asserted that they had been able to dis-
tinguish where the herds were even when beyond the
bounds of the visible horizon, by the vapour which arose
from their bodies. Others stated that they had seen
herds extending many miles in length. It appeared
also to be a well known fact among them, that in these
periodical migrations, they are much less fearful of the
hunter. I must observe of the hunters, that any ac-
counts which I heard from them, and afterwards had an
opportunity to prove, I found to be correct;" and when

" During our voyage, I often associated with the hunters, to collect
information from their united tesdmony, concerning the n&ture and hatnti
of animals, with which no men are so well acquainted. This knowledge is

I809-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

125

the great [115] extent of this plain, and its fertility in
grass are considered, we cannot but admit that the
number of animals it is capable of containing must be
immense. [116] In the forenoon we passed the mouth
of Chayenne River, where it is four hundred yards in
width. It is described by the hunters as being a very

absolutely necessaiy to them, that they may be able ti
prise those which are the objects of chase, and to avoid such as are danger-
ous; and likewise to prevent being surprised by them. They can imitate
the cry or note of any animal found in the American Wilds, so eiaclly, as to
deceive the animals themselves. I shall here stale a few of what 1 certainly
believe to be facts; some I know to be so, and of others I have seen strotig
presumptive proofs. The opinion of the hunters, respecting the sagacity
of the beaver, goes much beyond the statements of any author whom I have
read. They state that an old beaver, who has escaped from a trap, can
scarcely ever afterwards be caught, as travelling in situations where traps
are mually placed, he carries a stick in his mouth, with which he probes
the sides of the river, that the stick may be caught in the trap, and thus
saves himself.

They say also of this animal, that the young are educated by the old
ones. It is well known that in constructing their dams, the first step the
beaver takes, is to cut down a tree that .shall fall across the stream intended
to be dammed up. The hunlere in the early part of our voysge informed
me, that they had often found trees near the edge of a creek, in part cut
through and abandoned; and always observed that those trees would not
have fallen across the creek, and that by comparing the marks left by the
teeth on those trees, with others, they found them much smaller; and there-
fore not only concluded that they were made by young beavers, but that
the old ones, perceiving their error, bad caused them to desist. They prom-
ised to show me proofs of this, and during our voyage I saw several, and in
no instance would the trees, thus abandoned, have fallen across the creek.

I have myself witnessed an instance of a doe, when pursued, although
not many seconds out of sight, so effectually hide her fawn, that we could
not find it although assisted by a dog. I mentioned this fact to the hunters,
who assured me that no dog, nor perhaps any lieast of prey, can follow a
fawn by the scent, and showed me in a full grown deer, a gland and a tuft
of red hair, situated a little above the hind part of the fore foot, which had
B veiy strong smell of musk. This tuft they call the scent, and believe that
the route of the animal is betrayed by the effluvia proceeding from it. This
tuft is merdfully withheld until the animal has acquired strength. What
a benevolent arrangement! — Bbadbuxy.

126

Early Western Travels

[Vol 5

fine river, and navigable for several hundred miles.*'
We encamped this night in a beautiful grove, ornament-
ed with a number of rose and currant bushes, entwined
with grape vines, now in bloom.

gth. — Mr. M'Clellan, with two of our men, and
three belonging to Lisa, were despatched to the Aricaras,
to apprise them of our coming, and to see how far it
was practicable to procure horses for the journey by
land. Soon after we set out, we saw a great number of
buEfaloe on both sides of the river, over which several
herds were swimming. Notvnthstanding all the efforts
made by these poor animals, the rapidity of the current
brought numbers of them within a few yards of our
boats, and three were killed. We might have obtained
^ [117] great many more, but for once we did not kill
because it was in our power to do so; but several were
killed from Lisa's boat. In the evening Mr. Lisa
encamped a little above us, and we were informed
by his party, that about sun-set they had seen six
Indians.

loth. — A fine breeze sprang up early in the day,
and we proceeded rapidly. About noon Mr. M'CIeUan
and his party appeared on the bank of the river, having
found that they could not reach the Aricara nation
before the boats. About the middle of the afternoon,
we met a canoe with three Indians. They had come
from the Aricaras, where intelligence of our approach
had been brought by the war party that met us on the
I St. They had made a great parade of the presents
which they received from us, and of the exploit which

" The ChBycnnc River takes ils rise in the Black Hills, and flows east-
ward into the Missouri, draining the central part of western South Dakota.
It takes its name from the Indians of that designation, who lived upon it*
upper waters at the time of Lewis and Clark's expedition. — Ed.

i8o9-i8ii

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\zy

they had achieved in discovering the white men coming.
They reported that the Mandans, who were of the
party, had urged an attack on Mr. Hunt's boat, when
it was in the situation already described, which they
(the Aricaras) had prevented. They also stated, that
the Minetarees, or Gros Ventres Indians, had killed
two white men on the river above the Missouri Fur
Company's fort. We encamped three miles above the
mouth of the river Cer-wer-cer-na, after travelling thirty-
five miles."

[i 1 8] 1 1 th. — We hoped this day to arrive at the Ari-
caras, but did not derive so much benefit from the
wind as we expected ; and after passing the river Ma-ra-
pa, encamped about six miles below the town, near an
island on which they were formerly settled."

1 2th. — During this night we had a severe thunder
storm, accompanied by torrents of rain, so that our
beds were completely wet. We set out early, and about
half way to the town, met a canoe with two chiefs,
and an interpreter, who is a Frenchman, and has lived
with this tribe more than twenty years. He married
a squaw, and has several children.*' The chiefs were

" Sergeant Gass of ihe Lewis and CLark expedition gives this form for
the river which Clark calls in his journal, Sur-war-cama or Park River.
This is the Arikara name tor the present Moreau River, named (or a French
Canadian who traded in this region and was stabbed by a Cheyenne squaw.
Moreau River rises in the northwestern part of South Dakota, and flows
through ihc Cheyenne River Indian reservation into the Missouri. It is
also Vnown as Owl River. — Ed.

" The Arikara villages were situated on the west bank o£ the Missouri,
above Grand River, on Ihe South Dakota portion ot Standing Rock reser-
vation, about opposite the present town of Campbell. Marapa (Maropa)
River is now known as Rampart or Owl Creek. — Ed.

•* The interpreter was probably Joseph Gravelines, who had been ser-
viceable to Lewis and Clark, and had accompanied the Arikara chief to
Washington in 1805. — Ed.

128

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[Vol. s

good looking men: one of them is called the head chief,
or king, and is named by the French Le Gauche, being
left-handed ; the other is the war chief, and called the Big
Man. The interpreter informed us that the chiefs had
come to a resolution to oppose our farther progress up
the river, unless a boat was left to trade with them.
Mr. Hunt explained to the chiefs the object of his voy-
age, and that he would willingly trade for horses.
About ten o'clock we landed on the north side, opposite
the town, or rather towns, as there are two distinct
bands, and their villages are about eighty yards apart.
Our first care was to spread out the beds and baggage
to dry. Whilst [119] the men were occupied in this
business, the chief informed us, from the other side of
the river, that he would be ready to meet us in council
when we should chuse to come over. As the river is
here at least eight or nine hundred yards in breadth, it
may appear surprising that he could make himself
understood at so great a distance; but to those who
have heard the Indian languages spoken, and who are
acquainted with the Indians, it will appear very credi-
ble. In all the Indian languages which I have heard,
every syllable of the compound words is accented; as,
for instance, the primitive name of this nation, Starrake
they pronounce Stdr-rd^hS. In addition to this con-
struction of their languages, the Indians have remark-
ably loud voices. The leaders of our two parties had
not yet spoken to each other since the affair of the 5th;
nor had any communication, except through the me-
dium of Mr. Brackenridge or myself. It was evident
that Lisa was still suspected; and M'Clellan, in par-
ticular, carefully watched his motions, determined to

i8o9-i8ii] Bradbury's Travels

shoot him if he attempted to cross the river before us,
to attend the council of the Indians, contrary to what
had been previously agreed upon vrith Mr. Bracken-
ridge on his behalf. Soon after noon Mr. Hunt
manned the large boat, and with Messrs. M'Kenzie
and M'Clellan, went over the river; Lisa also attended
in his barge. Mr. Brackenridge and myself were of
the party. [120] On landing, amongst a crowd of In-
dians, we were conducted to the council lodge by some
chiefs who met us; where we sat down on buffaloe
skins prepared for us, and spread on the ground. I
noticed that this lodge was constructed in a manner
similar to those already described, belonging to the
Ottoes. An old Indian lighted the pipe, and handed
it to the chief; after which he squatted himself on his
hams, near the entrance of the lodge. Although there
were nearly twenty present, I learned from Dorion,
(near whom I had placed myself) that several of the
chiefs were not yet assembled. After we had smoked
for a short time, Le Gauche, the chief, spoke to the old
Indian at the door, who went out of the lodge: he soon
after appeared on the top, and was visible to us through
the hole left for the smoke. What the chief dictated
to him from within, he bawled out aloud, with the
lungs of a stentor. I understood that his object was
to summon the chiefs to council, and it was promptly
obeyed, as in ten minutes all were assembled. I
learned that although we had smoked, the council
pipe had not yet been lighted: this was now done by
the same old Indian, who it seems was both priest and
herald, ie Gauche made the customary appeal to the
Great Spirit, by puffing the smoke in diflFerent directions

130

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tVol-s

towards heaven and earth; after which the pipe was
applied to the lips of each assembled, the chief still
holding [121] it. He then opened the councfl by a
short speech: in the first place he spoke of their poverty,
but said that they were very glad to see us, and would
be still more glad to trade with us. Lisa replied, and
expressed his intention to trade, if they did not rate
their buffaloe and beaver too highly. He then men-
tioned Mr. Hunt and his party as his friends, and said
he should join them in resenting and repelling any
injury or insult. Mr. Hunt declared that the object
of his journey was not to trade, but to see our brothers,
at the great salt lake in the west; for that undertaking
he should now want horses, as he purposed to go thence
by land, and that he had plenty of goods to exchange,
if they would spare the horses. Mr. Lisa and Mr.
Hunt accompanied their speeches by suitable presents
of tobacco. Lt Gauche spoke, and expressed the satis-
faction of his people at our coming, and their attach-
ment to the white men. In respect to the trade with
Mr. Lisa, he wished for more time to fix the price of
dried buffaloe skins, (usually called buffaloe robes)
being an article they had most of: his present idea of
the price was thirty loads of powder and ball for each
robe. Respecting Mr. Hunt's proposition, he was
certain they could not spare the number of horses that
he understood he wanted; and that he did not think
they ought to sell any horses. Les Yeux Gris, another
chief, replied to the latter part of his [122] speech, by
stating that they might easily spare Mr. Hunt a con-
siderable number of horses, as they could readily re-

i8oQ-i8ii

Bradbury's Travels

place them by stealing or by smoking.*' These argu-
ments governed the opinions of the chiefs, and Jt was
determined to open a trade for horses, when they were
satisfied with the price Mr. Hunt purposed to give.
The council now broke up, and Messrs. Hunt, M'Ken-
zie, M'Clellan, Dorion, and myself were conducted
to the lodge of one of their chiefs, where there was a
feast of sweet com, prepared by boiling, and mixing
it with buffaloe grease. Accustomed as I now was to
the privation of bread and salt, I thought it very palat-
able. Sweet com is corn gathered before it is ripe, and
dried in the sun: it is called by the Americans green
corn, or corn in the milk. I quitted the feast, in order
to examine the town, which I found to be fortified all
round with a ditch, and with pickets or pallisadoes, of
about nine feet high. The lodges are placed [i23]with-
out any regard to regularity, which renders it difiBcult
to count them, but there appears to be from a hundred
and fifty to a hundred and sixty of them. They are
constructed in the same manner as those of the Ottoes,
with the additional convenience of a railing on the
eaves : behind this railing they sit at their ease and smoke.
There is scarcely any declivity in the scite of the town;
and as little regard is paid to cleanliness, it is very dirty

" It was not difficult (o compreheod that horses might be obtained b;
stealing, but hon they could be pnmired by smoking X did not then under-
Btand. On the first opportunity, I enquired from Mr. Crooks, who is re-
markably well acquainted with Indian customs; from him I learned, that
it is a practice with tribes in amity to apply to each other in cases of necessity.
When one tribe is deficient in any article of which the other has abundance,
they send a deputation, who smoke with them, and inform them of their
wants. It would be a breach of Indian courtesy to send them away without
the expected mpply. — Bkadbvkv.

132

Early Western Travels

[Vol.5

in wet weather. I spent the remainder of the day in
examining the bluffs, to ascertain what new plants
might be collected in the neighbourhood; having now,
for the first time in the course of our voyage, an oppor-
tunity to preserve living specimens. During this time
the rest of the boats crossed over the river, and a camp
was formed about two hundred yards below the town.
Lisa's party was nearer to it than our's.

13th. — The morning being rainy, no business was
done in the village until the afternoon, when Mr. Hunt
exhibited the kind and quantity of goods he purposed
to give for each horse. These were placed in the lodge
of Le Gauche, for general inspection, and proved to be
satisfactory. This day I employed myself in forming
a place for the reception of living specimens, a little
distance below our camp, and near the river, for the
convenience of water.

[124] 14th. — I understood that Lisa and the chiefs
had agreed that the price of a buffalo robe should be
twenty balls, and twenty loads of powder. He re-
moved a part of his goods to the lodge of Le Gauche,
and Mr. Hunt began to trade at the lodge of the Big
Man. The trade for horses soon commenced: the
species of goods most in demand were carbines, powder,
ball, tomahawks, knives, &c. as another expedition
against the Sioux was meditated. During this traffic,
I walked with Mr. Brackenridge to the upper village,
which is separated from the lower one by a small
stream. In our walk through the town, I was accosted I
by the Medicine Man, or doctor, who was standing at 1
the entrance of a lodge into which we went. It ap-
peared that one of his patients, a boy, was within, for

1809-181 1]

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133

whom he was preparing some medicine. He made
me understand that he had seen me collecting plants,
and that he knew me to be a Medicine Man. He
frequently shook hands with us, and took down his
medicine bag, made of deer skin, to show me its con-
tents. As I supposed this bag contained the whole
materia medica of the nation, I examined it with some
attention. There was a considerable quantity of the
down of reedmace, (lypha paluslris) which I under-
stood was used in cases of bums or scalds: there was
also a quantity of a species of arlemisia, common on
the prairies, and known to the hunters by the name of
[125] hyssop; but the ingredient which was in the
greatest abundance, was a species of wall-flower: in
character it agrees with cheirantkus erystmotdes: be-
sides these, I found two new species of astragalus,
and some roots of rudbeckia purpurea. After examin-
ing the contents of the bag, I assured the doctor it was
all very good, and we again shook hands with him, and
went into several other lodges, where we were very
hospitably received. Although they-sit on the ground
round the fire, buffalo robes were always spread for us,
and the pipe was invariably brought out, whilst the
squaw prepared something for us to eat : this consisted
of dried buffalo meat, mixed with pounded com,
warmed on the fire in an earthen vessel of their own
manufacture. Some offered us sweet com, mixed with
beans (phaseolus.) The squaws were particularly at-
tentive to us, and took every opportunity to examine
such parts of our dress as were manufactured, and
not of skins. After our return, I went to the trading
house, and found that the trade for horses went on

■n

>34

Earfy Western Traveh

[Vols

very briskly. The instant a horse was bought, his tail
was cropped, to render him more easily distinguished
from those belonging to the Indians, which are in all
respects as nature formed them. On my return to our
camp, I found the warrior there with whom I had
become acquainted on the ist instant. He insisted so
much on my going to his lodge, that I went with him;
where [126] he spread a very finely painted buffalo
robe for me to sit on, and shewed me by signs that it
Was now mine. In return I gave him a pair of silver
Ivacelets, with ornaments for the ears and hair, having
iHOUght a considerable quantity of those articles from
St. Louis. With these he was so much pleased, that
he requested me to sleep at his lodge during our stay,
and informed me that his sister should be my bed-
fellow. This offer I declined, alleging as an excuse,
that I had voluntarily engaged to assist in keeping
guard round our camp. I found, on my return, that
the principals of our party were engaged in a very
serious consultation on our present situation. All our
fresh provisions were exhausted, and of the dried
buffaloe bought from the Poncars, not more remained
than was thought necessary to reserve for the joumqr
by land: of Indian com we had left only a few bags,
which it was thought expedient to parch, grind, and
mix with sugar, in order to apply it to the same object
It had been this day ascertained that the Aricaras could
not spare us any provisions, as the e.xcessive rains had
penetrated into their caches," and spoiled the whole

" The nAtioDS on the Missouri, alwa^ liable to be juiprisnl and pluil~
ddcd by Uie Ttten riUuns. umiuUy conceal a quantity of com, bcaos. &c
after hamst. in holes in the ground, which are artfully coT d c d up. Thae
hoards are called by the French tatlmt, from the verb t a c h m ; (o bide. —
Bkadbukv.

iSoQ-iSii]

Bradbury's Travels

'35

of their reserved stock, so [127] that they expected to
be in want themselves before the harvest would come
in. In addition to our difficulties, a rumour had been
spread this afternoon, and it was believed, that the
Sioux had followed us, and were now in the neighbour-
hood, to the amount of four or five hundred. Whether
this was true or not, the consequences were the same
to us, as our himters could not, with any degree of
prudence, be suffered to go out ; nor indeed were they
willing. In this dilemma, no means could be thought
of for the removal of our difficulties, but to purchase
from the Indians some of their spare dogs, particularly
those employed in dragging their sledges, and this
measure was resolved on. It may here be remarked,
that horses and dogs are the only animals which the
Indians domesticate: of the latter they have two varie-
ties: one of these they employ in hunting; the other
appears to be of a stupid and lazy nature, always re-
maining about the village, and employed as above
mentioned.

iSth. — In conformity with the measure determined
upon last evening, a number of dogs were purchased
this morning, brought to the camp, and shot for break-
fast. I went out to collect, accompanied by Mr.
Brackenridge, and proceeded farther into the interior
than I had before done. I was rewarded by finding
several new species of plants, and by an additional con-
firmation of the geological [128] formations, as the
hills situated at a distance from the river have uni-
formly flat summits, covered with fragments of rock,
mixed with smaller stones and gravel. On our return,
when about three miles from the camp, we saw Indians
pouring out from the village, some on horseback, others

•36

Early Western Travels

[Vol.s

on foot, and all at full speed. They went in a direction
to our right, towards some hills, five or six miles distant
down the river. A young Indian, soon after, in passing
us at some distance, changed his course, and came up
to me. He spoke with great earnestness, frequently
pointing to the hills, on the tops of which I observed
some horsemen apparently meeting each other, and
after passing, turn back, and continue gallopping. I
at length comprehended that enemies were near, and
that seeing me only armed with a pistol, he wished me
to hasten to the camp. When we came nearer the
town, I observed that the tops of the lodges were
crowded with women, children, and old men, all looking
earnestly towards the hills, and considerable numbers
were still running past our camp. I now enquired the
cause of the tumult, and found that a signal had been
given, indicating the appearance of a war party of the
Sioux. The noise and confusion were such as I have
not often witnessed : the war whoop was heard in every
direction, and even the old men in the village were
busily employed in animating the warriors. Some aged
Nestors tottered [129] along with the crowd, raising
their shrill voices to encourage the young and vigorous
to exert themselves in repelling the foe. If any enemy
really appeared, they had immediately fled on being
discovered; a thing not at all unlikely, as it is con-
formable to their customs, and in this instance the
more probable, as the Sioux would naturally expect
that our party would join their adversaries. At all
events, the party soon returned in as much disorder
as they went out. I observed, that amongst the war-
riors of this and the other nations, several had foxes'

I809-I8I1]

Bradbury's Travels

■37

tails attached to the heels of their mockasons, and I
am informed by Captain Winter, who resided some
time at Michillimakinac, that the same custom prevails
among the tribes in Upper Canada, and that this
honour is orJy permitted to such warriors as have killed
an enemy on his own ground.

i6th. — I went into the village, and found that the
chiefs were assembled to hear from the warriors an
account of what had passed the preceding day. As
they were not in the habit of printing newspapers, the
news was carried through the village by heralds, who
attend at the door of the council-lodge, and from time
to time go through the village to give information.
On my return to the camp, I found that Mr. Hunt and
Mr. Lisa were negociating respecting the boats belong-
ing to our party, [130] which were no longer of any
use to us. Mr. Hunt was willing to exchange them
with Mr. Lisa for horses, who had a considerable
number of them at the Fort belonging to the Missouri
Fur Company, about two hundred miles higher up the
river.*^ Mr. Hunt, some days previous to this, pre-
sented to me the smallest boat, which was a barge
built at Michillimakinac; and three American hunters,
whom we found at the Aricara nation, agreed to assist
me in navigating it down the river, when I should be
disposed to return. The three other boats, and some
Indian goods, were finally exchanged with Mr. Lisa.
In consequence of this arrangement, I found that a
party were to be dispatched in a few days to the Fort

" Chittenden, Ameriean Fur Trade, locates tlus post ten or twelve miles
kbove the mouth of Big Knife River, near Emanuel Rock and Creek. It
was abandoned during the War of 1812-15. — Ed.

138

Early Western Travels

[Vols

for the horses, and I resolved to accompany them, if
permitted. After an excursion to collect plants, I
walked into the village in the evening, and found that a
party had arrived, who had been on an expedition to
steal horses, in which they were successful. This
event, and the return of the war party, caused an
unusual bustle: the tops of the lodges were crowded
with men, women, and children. Several of the old
men harangued them in a loud voice. The subject I
understood to be an exhortation to behave well towards
the white people, and stating the advantages they
derived by an intercourse with them. Notwithstand-
ing all this tumult, some of the women continued their
emplo3anent in dressing [131] buffaloe skins, which
are stretched on frames, and placed on stages, erected
both for this purpose, and to dry or jerk the flesh of
animals cut into thin slices.

17th. — It was arranged that Mr. Crooks should go
to the Company's Fort for the horses; and as more than
thirty had been bought from the Aricaras, the men
who were to accompany him began to select from
amongst them such as they thought the best able to
perform the journey. Notwithstanding I had resolved
to accompany them, I neglected taking the same pre-
caution, which occasioned me afterwards much vexa-
tion. I had already expressed my wish to undertake
the journey, and although Mr. Hunt had not absolutely
refused to permit rae, yet he tried by arguments to
dissuade me from it, in representing the danger which
the party ran of being cut off by the Sioux, the fatigue
of riding on an Indian saddle, &c. I therefore did
not for the present press the subject, and spoke of it

I809-I8II

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139

only to Mr. Crooks, who, knowing my determination,
was much pleased with it. After devoting the greatest
part of the day to the increasing of my collection, I
went into the village, and found that some Indians
had arrived from the Chayenne nation, where they
had been sent to inform the Aricaras of their intention
to visit them in fifteen days. One of these Indians
was covered with a buffalo [132] robe, curiously orna-
mented with figures worked with split quills, stained
red and yellow, intermixed with much taste, and the
border of the robe entirely hung round with the hoofs
of young fawns, which at every movement made a
noise much resembling that of the rattlesnake when
that animal is irritated. I understood that this robe
had been purchased from the Arapahoes, or Big Bead
Indians, a remote tribe, who frequent the Rocky
Mountains. I wished much to purchase the robe, and
offered him such articles in exchange as I thought most
likely to induce him to part with it; but he refused.
The day following it was purchased by Mr. M'Clellan,
who gave it to me for silver ornaments and other
articles, which amounted to about ten dollars. As
these Indians could not speak the Aricara language,
they had need of an interpreter, whose place was sup-
plied by one of the Aricaras that could speak their
language. They were tall and well proportioned men,
but of a darker complexion than the Aricaras. This
nation has no fixed place of residence, but resort chiefly
about the Black Hills, near the head of Chayenne
River, having been driven by the Sioux from their
former place of residence, near the Red River of Lake
Winnipic. Their number is now inconsiderable, as

I40

Early Western Travels

[Vol.s

they scarcely muster one hundred warriors." On my
return to the camp, I found it crowded with Indians
and squaws, as it had been for the two preceding
evenings. [133] Travellers who have been acquainted
with savages, have remarked that they are either very
liberal of their women to strangers, or extremely jealous.
In this species of liberality no nation can exceed the
Aricaras, who flocked down every evening vrith their
wives, sisters, and daughters, anxious to meet with a
market for them. The Canadians were very good
customers, and Mr. Hunt was kept in full employ
during the evening, in delivering out to them blue beads
and Vermillion, the articles in use for this kind of traffic.
This evening I judged that there were not fewer than
eighty squaws, and I observed several instances wherein
the squaw was consulted by her husband as to the
quQnium sufficit of price; a mark of consideration
which, from some knowledge of Indians, and the esti-
mation in which their women are held, I had not ex-
pected.

i8th. — Went early to the bluffs to the south-west-

" The Cheyenne tribe was an outlfing braniJi of the Algonquian stodk
which had become separated fram the parent lace and pushed into the
country of the Sioux. Although few in numbers they are good fighters and
have given the United Stales much trouUe. The first treaty was made
with Ihem in 1815, after which they continued friendly until about the time
of the War of Secession, At the close of that war, Hancock and Custer
entered upon a long campaign against them. The Cheyenne participated
in the Custer massacre in 1876. In 1885, there was another outbrealt,
whereupon Sheridan took the Geld in person. The Southern Cheyenne,
with the Arapaho, are at present in Oklahoma, and number nbout twenty-
eight hundred; tbey have received allotments in severalty, and made some
progress toward civilization. The Northern Cheyenne, numbering abotit
fourteen hundred, are still chiefly "blanket Indians," upon the Tongne
River reservation in Montana. — Ed.

i3o9-i8ii

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141

ward of the town, on one of which I observed fourteen
buffalo skulls placed in a row. The cavities of the eyes
and the nostrils were filled with a species of arlemisia
common on the prairies, which appears to be a non-
descript. On my return, I told our interpreter to
inquire into the reason of this, and learned that it was
an honour conferred by the Indians on the buffaloes
which they had killed, in order to appease their spirits,
and prevent [134] them from apprising the living
buffaloes of the danger they run in approaching the
neighbourhood. After my return, I walked into the
village with Mr. Donald M'Kenzie, who wore a green
surtout. This attracted very much the attention of the
squaws, and from the surprise they shewed, I believe
it is a colour with which they were unacquainted.
They were so anxious to obtain a part of it, that several
offered him favours as an equivalent for a piece which
they marked out. This occasioned much mirth be-
twixt us, and on my part a pretended alarm lest his
coat should become a spencer. We amused ourselves
sometime by watching a party who were engaged in
play. A place was neatly formed, resembling a skittle
alley, about nine feet in breadth and ninety feet long:
a ring of wood, about five inches in diameter, was
trundled along from one end, and when it had run some
distance, two Indians, who stood ready, threw after it,
in a sliding manner, each a piece of wood, about three
feet long and four inches in breadth, made smooth on
one edge, and kept from turning by a cross piece pass-
ing through it, and bent backwards so as to resemble
a cross bow. The standers by kept an account of the
game, and he whose piece, in a given number of throws,

142

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(Vol-s

(

more frequently came nearest the ring after it had
fallen, won the game.

[135] 19th.— We breakfasted early, having killed the
dogs the night before, and ten horses were brought
into the camp for the party appointed to go to the Fort,
beyond the Mandans, to escort the horses agreed for
with Mr. Lisa, and I now declared to Mr. Hunt that,
unless he absolutely refused me the privOege, I was
determined to accompany them. With his accustomed
kindness he consented, and a man was dispatched to
catch a horse for me on the prairie. As the party had
cast their bullets, and made every other preparation
the preceding night, we were all ready, when the man
returned with a very bad horse. He was small, and
apparently weak; but being unwilling to delay the party,
I fixed my saddle, and we set out, having previously
agreed with one of the men to take care of my plants in
my absence. We had for our guide a person of the
name of Jones, who was acquainted with the whole of
the country betwixt the Mandans and Aricaras; and
after passing the villages, kept as much as possible in
the ravines and valleys, to avoid being seen by the
Sioux Indians, who we had reason to think were still
lurking about the country; as we knew that if they dis-
covered us, they would, almost to a certainty, cut us
off. There being no provisions to spare in the camp,
except a little dog's flesh, we took nothing with us to
eat, nor made the least attempt to look for game, as our
safety perhaps depended on the celerity and [136]
silence of our march. We continued at a smart trot until
near eight o'clock in the evening, having only stopped
once to give the horses an opportunity to feed. Our

iSog-i

Bradbury's Travels

course lay nearly north, and we kept the river in sight
the whole of the day, being sometimes very near it, and
at other times five or six miles distant. We encamped
on the border of a creek, not more than a mile from
the Missouri, on the open prairie. We found this place
so much infested with mosquitoes, that scarcely any of
us slept. In the latter part of the day I discovered the
insufficiency of my horse, as it was with difficulty I
could keep up with the rest. The reflections on my
situation, combined with the pain occasioned by mos-
quitoes, kept me from closing my eyes; in addition to
this, I had already painfully experienced the effects of
an Indian saddle, which I shall describe. It consists
of six pieces of wood: two of these are strong forked
sticks, one of which is formed to fix on the shoulders
of the horse; the other is adapted to the lower part of
the back; they are connected by four flat pieces, each
about four inches in breadth; two of these are so placed
as to lie on each side of the backbone of the horse,
which rises above them; the two others are fastened to
the extremities of the forked sticks, and the whole is
firmly tied by thongs. Two strong slips of buffalo hide
are doubled over each of the upper connecting pieces,
for the purpose of holding [137] the stirrup, which is
formed of a stick about two feet long, and cut half way
through in two places, so as to divide it into three equal
parts: at these places it is bent, and when the two ends
are strongly tied, it forms an equilateral triangle. The
conjunct end of the foremost forked stick rises to the
height of eight or ten inches above the back of the horse,
and serves to fasten on it the coiled end of the long slip
of dried skin intended to serve as a bridle : this slip is

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also made use of to fasten the horse at night, to allow
him sufficient space wherein to graze, and is mostly
fifty or sixty feet long. Under the saddle is laid a
square piece of buffalo skin, dressed with the hair upon
it, and doubled four-fold, and on the saddle the rider
fixes his blanket.

20th. — We were on horseback on the first appear-
ance of day, and immediately abandoned the river,
passed over the bluflfs, and struck into the interior of
the country. Besides my rifle and other equipments,
similar to those of the rest of the party, I had a portfolio
for securing specimens of plants. I had contrived
already to collect some interesting specimens, by fre-
quently alighting to pluck them, and put them into my
hat. For these opportunities, and to ease my horse, I
ran many miles alongside of him. Notwithstanding
this, about noon he seemed inclined to give up, and I
proposed to Mr. [138] Crooks that I should turn back:
this he would by no means agree to, but prevailed on
the lightest man in company to exchange horses with
me for the rest of the day. Soon after noon, we
observed some deer grazing at a distance; we therefore
halted in a small valley, suffered the horses to graze,
and dispatched one of the men to look after the deer,
who soon returned, having killed one. As we had
not eaten any thing from the morning of the preceding
day, this news was very acceptable, and some were
sent to fetch the meat, whilst others gathered dry
buffaloe dung to boil our kettle. This opportunity
afforded me the pleasure of adding to my little collec-
tion, besides securing in my portfolio what I had before
gathered. It is perhaps needless to observe that the

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14s

men were not slow in bringing the meat, nor that we
were equally expeditious in our cooking. We were so
confident of finding game, that we did not take any
part of the remains of our feast, but proceeded, in the
hope of being able to reach Cannon-ball River," in-
tending to encamp on its banks. In the course of the
afternoon we perceived innumerable herds of buffaloe;
and had we wished to hunt, we might have killed
[139] great numbers; but we avoided them as much
as possible, for fear of disturbing them, as it might
have been the means of enabling some lurking war
party to discover us. It is well known to the hunters
and the Indians, that a herd of buffaloe, when fright-
ened, will often run ten, fifteen, or even twenty miles
before they stop. About five o'clock we perceived
before us the valley of Cannon-ball River, bounded
on each side by a range of small hUls, visible as far as
the eye can reach; and as they appear to diminish
regularly, in the proportion of their distance, they
produce a singular and pleasing efifect. In the even-
ing, as we considered the danger from the Sioux much
decreased, we ventured to kill a buffalo: each man
cut what he thought proper, and the remainder was
left for the wolves, who doubtless picked the bones
before the morning. On descending into the valley of
the river, some deer were observed, feeding near the
bank, whilst others were lying down near them. Some
of our men stole cautiously round a grove, and shot

" Cannon-ball River derives its name from the sdngularly round form
of Ihe stonc9 which are found in its bed. These are of all sizes, from one
to twelve inches in diameter, or sometimes more: they are of a brownish
Mod-stone, and before they were rounded by attrition, must have been
formed ia cubes. — Bradbdky.

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[Vol. s

two of the poor animals, although we had no great
occasion for them. The Cannon-ball River was muddy
at this time; but whether it is constantly so or not, I
could not leam. It is here about one hundred and
sixty yards wide, but so shallow that we crossed it
without swimming, but not without wetting some of
the blankets on our saddles. We encamped on a very
fine prairie, near [140] the river, affording grass in
abundance, nearly a yard high, in which we stationed
our horses. The alluvion of the river is about a mile
in breadth from bluff to bluff, and is very beautiful,
being prairie, interspersed with groves of trees, and
ornamented with beautiful plants, now in flower.
Amongst others which I did not observe before, I
found a species of flax, resembling that which is culti-
vated : I think it is the species known as linum perenne.
I rambled until it was quite dark, and found my way
to the camp by observing the fire.

2ist. — We arose before day. Each man cooked his
own breakfast, cutting what suited him from the venison,
and fixing it on a stick set in the ground, which inclined
over the fire. At break of day we were on horseback,
and soon after ascended the bluffs, and proceeded on
our route. I noticed a sensible change in the face of
the country after we had left the river. We now found
some of the more elevated places covered with small
stones, and divested of herbage, and throughout the
soil was of less depth, and the grass shorter and more
scanty. About ten o'clock we again found the country
to assume the same fertile appearance as on the pre-
ceding day, and saw herds of buffaloe in every direc-
tion: before mid-day two were killed, but very little

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147

was taken, except the marrow- bones: each man who
chose to take one, hung it to his [141] saddle. In the
course of this forenoon we observed three rattlesnakes,
of an entirely new and undescribed species: one of
them I killed, and carried in my shot-pouch, and during
the time we stopped to feed our horses, I secured the
skin." We passed very close to several herds of buffaloe
during the afternoon, near which we always observed
a number of wolves lurking. I perceived that those
herds which had wolves in their vicinity, were almost
wholly females with their calves; but noticed also, that
there were a few bulls with them, and that these were
always stationed on the outside of the herd, inclosing
the cows with their calves within. We came suddenly
on one of these herds, containing, as we judged, from
six to eight hundred buffaloes: they immediately gal-
lopped off. One of our party rode after them, and
overtook a calf which could not keep pace with the
rest: he instantly dismounted, caught it by the hind
leg, and plunged his knife into its body. \\ e took
what we wanted, and rode on. This afternoon I
noticed a singularly formed hill on our right, in the
direction of the Missouri, apparently about ten miles
from us. It is of an oblong shape, nearly perpen-
dicular at the ends, and level at the top, so as to resemble
a regular building: near the centre there rises a pic,
very steep, which seems to be elevated at least one
hundred feet above the hill on which it stands. We
rode this day almost without intermission, and [142]

"Lewis and Clark describe the Weslem rattlesnake {Crotaltu con-
fiuenlta) as differing from that o£ the Atlantic states; not by its colors, but
by their form and airangemetit. — Ed.

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[Vol. s

late in the evening arrived at Riviire de CiEur, or
Heart River, and encamped on its banks, or, more
properly, lay down in our blankets." I found that
my horse did not get worse, although he showed a
great disposition to lag behind; a certain proof of his
being very much tired, as the Indian horses, when on
a journey, have an aversion to be separated from their
companions.

22nd. — Although the distance from this place to the
Missouri Fur Company's Fort was estimated at about
sixty miles, we determined if possible to reach it this
day, and were, as usual, on horseback at day-break,
having previously breakfasted on veal. I observed the
preceding days a sufficient number of buffaloes to
induce me to credit the hunters in their reports of the
vast numbers they had seen ; but this day afforded me
ample confirmation. Scarcely had we ascended the
bluffs of Heart River, when we discerned herds in
every direction; and had we been disposed to devote
the day to hunting, we might have killed a great number,
as the country north of Heart River is not so uniform
in its surface as that we had passed. It consists of
ridges, of small elevation, separated by narrow valleys.
This renders it much more favourable for hunting, and
although we did not materially deviate from our course,
five were killed before noon. Mr. Crooks joined me in
remonstrating against this [143] waste; but it is impos-
sible to restrain the hunters, as they scarcely ever lose
an opportunity of killing, if it offers, even although not

" Heart River, called by Lewis and Clark Cbes-che-tar, flows into the
Missouri nearly opposite Bismarck, North Dakota. There had fonneily
been a large Maodan village at its mouth, near the present railway town
of Mandan, seat of Morton County. — Ed.

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in want of foctd. About two o'clock we arrived on the
summit of a ridge more elevated than any we had yet
passed. From thence we saw before us a beautiful
plain, as we judged, about four miles across, in the
direction of our course, and of similar dimension from
east to west. It was bounded on all sides by long
ridges, similar to that which we had ascended. The
scene exhibited in this valley was sufficiently interesting
to excite even in our Canadians a wish to stop a few
minutes and contemplate it. The whole of the plain
was perfectly level, and, like the rest of the country,
without a single shrub. It was covered with the finest
verdure, and in every part herds of buffaloe were feed-
ing. I counted seventeen herds; but the aggregate
number of the animals it was difficult even to guess at:
some thought upwards of ten thousand. We de-
scended into the plain, and each having two marrow
bones hung to his saddle, we resolved to dine wherever
we could first find water. In descending into the plain,
we came upon a small herd feeding in a valley. One
buffalo was shot by our party before we could possibly
restrain them. At about half the distance across the
plain we reached a small pond, where we halted, and
having collected a sufficient quantity of dry buffaloe's-
dung, we made a fire, in which we disposed [144] our
bones, and although the water was stagnant, we made
free use of it. During our stay here a very large herd
of buffaloe continued to feed within a quarter of a
mile of us. Some of them I observed gazing at us;
but as they were to the windward, they had not the
power of discovering what we were by the sense of
smelling. I found, on inquiry from some of our party

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[Vols

who were well acquainted with the habits of these
animals, that they seem to rely chiefly on that sense
for their safety. Around this herd we counted fifteen
wolves, several of which stood for some minutes looking
at us, without exhibiting any signs of fear: and as we
did not think them worth shooting, we left them un-
molested. On gaining the summit of the ridge forming
the northern boundary of the plain, we noticed a chain
of hills on our right hand, at the distance of about six
miles. Jones, our guide, assured us they were the
bluffs of the Missouri, and although we might not
arrive at the Fort that night, yet he was certain of our
being able to go to the Mandan village. About four
o'clock we fell into a trace that Jones said was one
of the roads which the Mandans usually followed when
they went out to hunt. We resolved to keep along it,
as we found it led towards the bluffs, at which we
arrived in about an hour, and passed through a narrow
valley, bounded on each side by some small rocks of
secondary limestone. On [145] turning an angle in
the valley, we came suddenly in view of the Missouri,
at no great distance from us. The sight of the river
caused much joy in our party; but no one had so much
occasion as myself to be pleased with it, as it was with
the greatest difficulty I could keep up with the party,
my horse being so tired, that Dorion and others of the
party occasionally rode after me, to beat him forward.
The trace turned up a long and very fine plain, betwixt
the bluffs and the river. The plain continued to in-
crease in breadth as we advanced, and had on it a
sufficiency of clumps of cotton woods, so interspersed as
to prevent our seeing its upper termination. We had
not been on this plain more than half an hour, when we

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suddenly saw an Indian on horseback, gallopping down
the bluffs at full speed, and in a few minutes he was
out of sight, having proceeded nearly in the same
direction we were pursuing. We considered this as a
certain proof that we were not far from the Mandan
town, and shortly after, on turning round the point of
a large grove, we came in full view of it. We could
perceive that the Indian had already given notice of our
approach, as the tops of the lodges were crowded with
people; and as we advanced, we saw crowds coming
from the town to meet us. From the time the first
of the Indians met us till we arrived in the town, we
were continually employed in shaking hands, as every
one was eager to [146] perform that ceremony with the
whole party, and several made us understand that they
had seen us before, having been of the war party which
we had met at the Great Bend. They conducted us
to the lodge of She-he-k&, the chief, where we alighted.
He met us at the door, and after shaking hands with
us, said, to my great surprise in English, "Come in
house." I was again surprised, on entering the lodge,
to see a fine dunghill cock. On inquby I found that
She-he-kfe had brought it with him from the United
States, at the time he accompanied Messrs. Lewis and
Clarke, where also he learnt his English. •' It appeared
that immediately on the centinel announcing our ap-

"She-he-kt (Shahaka), also caUed Big White (Le Gios Blanc), was
chief of the tower village of Mandan. Upon the earnest solicitation of
Lewis and Clark he descended the Missouri with them to visit President
Jefferson (1806). In 1807 Sei^eant Pryor was detailed to escort Big White
lo his home. The detacluDenl of soldiers was attacked among the Ankara,
and forced to retreat. See report of Pryor published in AntuUs oj Ibvio,
January, 1S95. It was not until 1809 that the Mandan was finally returned
to his village under the core of a brigade of the Missouri Fut Company,
See note 58, ante; also Chittenden, American Fur Trade, chaps. 4-6. — Ed.

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proach, the squaw had sti on the pot. The victuals
being ready before we had done smoking, and Mr.
Crooks expressing a determination to proceed to the
Missouri Fur Company's Fort this evening, we soon
finished our meal, which consisted of jerked flesh of
buEfaloe and pounded com. The sun was setting when
we mounted, and several of our horses appeared much
jaded, but mine in particular. I therefore proposed
to remain at the Mandans; but the party, and in par-
ticular Mr. Crooks, wished me to go on. With some
reluctance I consented, and we pushed on our horses,
in order to reach Knife River before it was quite dark,
which by much exertion we effected, and arrived oppo-
site to the third village of the Minetaree, or Gros
Ventres [147] Indians, as the night was closing in. On
hallooing, some Indians came down to the bank on the
other side of the river, and immediately ran back to
the village. In a few minutes we saw them returning
along with six squaws, each of whom had a skin canoe
on her back, and a paddle in her hand. Whilst we
unsaddled our horses they crossed the river in their
canoes, and the Indians swam over, and all shook
hands with us. The squaws put our saddles in their
canoes, where we also placed ourselves, and left the
Indians to drive our horses over the river, which they
managed with much address, by placing themselves in
such a way as to keep them in a compact body. This
river is not rapid, but it has the appearance of being
deep, and is about eighty yards wide at this place.
After saddling our horses, and giving the squaws three
balls and three loads of powder for each man, being
the price of ferriage, we passed through the village,

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having seven miles still to travel in order to reach the
Fort. We could not now make our horses exceed a
walk. On the hill above the town I imperfectly dis-
tinguished something that had the appearance of
cavalry, virhich Jones told me were the stages whereon
the Indians deposit the bodies of their dead. About
eleven o'clock we reached the Fort, after having trav-
elled this day more than eighteen hours, with very
httle intermission. We were received in a very friendly
manner by Mr. [148] Reuben Lewis, brother to Cap-
tain Lewis, who travelled to the Pacific Ocean:'* the
mosquitoes were much less friendly, and were in such
numbers, and so troublesome, that notwithstanding
our excessive fatigue, it was next to impossible to
sleep.

23rd. — We went early to look at the horses. The
greater part were lying down, and appeared to have
scarcely moved from the place where they had been
left the preceding night, seeming to prefer rest to food.
In consequence of their jaded state, Mr. Crooks re-
solved to remain at the Fort four or five days, that they
might recruit themselves. On our return to breakfast,
we found that the Fort was but ill supplied with pro-

" Reuben, the only brother of Meriwether Lewis, waa bom in Albe-
marle County, Virginia, February 14, 1777. He accompanied his brolhcr
to the West, upon the latler's journey to assume his office as governor
of Missouri Terrilory, and enlered (1809) into the partnership that fonued
the Missouri Fur Company. Reuben Lewis was atillabsent among the Man-
dan al the time of his brother's death (October, 1S09), not reluming to
St. Louis until the spring of iSii. After visiting the place of Meriwether's
death, he was made Indian agent, and in iSii) Nuttall met him among the
Cherokee on Arkansas River. See volume xiii of our series. Later he
back to Vir^nia, and settled on the family plantation, not far from
Charlottesville, where he married (1S13) Mildred Dabney. His home.
where he died in 1844, was known as "Valley Point." — Ed.

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visioDS, having little of any thing but jerked meat ; but
as that, or any other accommodation the place aflforded,
was accompanied by kindness and the most polite
attention from Mr. Lewis, we were much pleased with
our reception. The bluffs here have a very romantic
appearance, and I was preparing to examine them
after breakfast, when some squaws came in belonging
to the uppennost village of the Minetarees, with a
quantity of roots to sell. Being informed that they
were dug on the prairie, my curiosity was excited, and.
on tasting found them very palatable, even in a raw state.
They were of the shape of an egg: some of them were
nearly as large as those of a goose; others were smaller.
Mr. Lewis [149] obligingly caused a few to be boiled.
Their taste most resembled that of a parsnip, but I
thought them much better. I found no vestige of the
plant attached to them, and an.xious to ascertain the
species, I succeeded in obtaining information from
the squaws of the route by which they came to the
Fort, and immediately set out on the search. After
much pains I found one of the places where they had
dug the plants, and to my surprise discovered, from
the tops broken off, that the plant was one I was well
acquainted with, having found it even in the vicinity
of St. Louis, where I had first discovered it, and deter-
mined it to be a new species of psoralea, which is now
known as psoralea esailenla. On enquiry I was in-
formed that this root is of the greatest importance, not
only to the Indians, but to the hunters, who, in case of
the failure of other food, from the want of success in
hunting, can always support life by resorting to it ; and
even when not impelled by want, it cannot but be ex-

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^ss

tremely grateful to those who otherwise must exist on
animal food alone, without bread or salt; at least I then
thought it so. I found the country about the Fort, and
especially the bluffs, extremely interesting. It chiefly
consists of argillaceous schistus, and a very tenacious
and indurated yellow clay, exhibiting in many places
the appearance of coal. The land floods from the
country behind the bluffs had cut through them, and
left large [150] bodies of clay standing up, with the
sides perpendicular, and resembling in appearance
towers, or large square buildings, which it was impos-
sible to ascend. The incumbent soil appears to be of
excellent quality, and was at this time covered with fine
grass and a number of beautiful plants. The roots and
specimens of these I collected with the greatest assiduity,
not having yet determined to remain any longer than
until our party returned. I soon found the number to
increase so much, as I lengthened my excursions, that I
resolved to remain at the Fort until Mr. Lisa came up
with his boat, and obtain a passage with him down to
the Aricaras, and this resolution I armounced to Mr.
Crooks. The Missouri had overflowed its banks some
time before our arrival, and on receding had left num-
berless pools in the alluvion. In these the mosquitoes
had been generated in numbers inconceivably great.
In walking it was necessary to have one hand constantly
employed to keep them out of the eyes; and although
a person killed hundreds, thousands were ready to
take their place. At evening the horses collected in a
body round the Fort, waiting until fires were made, to
produce smoke, in which they might stand for protec-
tion. This was regularly done, and a quantity of green

■ 56

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weeds thrown on each fire to increase the smoke.
These fires caused much quarrelling and fighting, each
horse contending for the centre of the smoke, [151] and
the place nearest the fire. In the afternoon we were
visited by She-he-kfe, the Mandan chief, who came
dressed in a suit of clothes brought with him from the
United States. He informed us that he had a great
wish to go [to] live with the whites, and that several of
his people, induced by the representations he had made
of the white people's mode of living, had the same
intentions. We were able to converse with She-he-kfe
through the medium of Jussum, the interpreter for
the Fort, who was a Frenchman, and had married a
squaw belonging to the second village of the Mine-
tarees, or Gros Ventres Indians." As I expressed a
wish to visit the villages, I spoke to Jussum on that sub-
ject, who readily consented to accompany me, but in-
formed me that in a day or two there would be a dance
of the squaws, to celebrate the exploits of their hus-
bands, when it was agreed we should go. The Fort
consisted of a square block-house, the lower part of
which was a room for furs: the upper part was inhabited
by Mr. Lewis and some of the hunters belonging to
the establishment. There were some small outhouses,

" Rinrf JesMumc (Jussomme) was a French Canadian who tor many
years had lived among the Minilaree. In 1755 hf acted as interpreter for
the North West Company; and again two years later accotnpanied David
Thompson's brigade. See Coues (ed.), Htmy-Thompson Journals, index.
Lewis and Clark employed him during their winter among the Mandan
(1S04-05), and he was tbe inlerprelei who accompanied the Mandan chief
to Washington. Upon their return up the river (1807), Jessaume wtu
severely wounded, but was restored by careful treatment at St. Louie.
Like most ' ' squaw-men ' ' he was a degraded character, and Henry speak*
of him in opprobrious terras. — Ed.

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>57

and the whole was surrounded by a pallisado, or
piquet, about fifteen feet high. I found attached to it
a very pretty garden, in which were peas, beans, sallad,
radishes, and other vegetables, under the care of a gar-
dener, an Irishman, who shewed it to me with much
self-importance. I praised his management, but ex-
pressed [152] my regret that he had no potatoes.
"Oh!" said he, "that does not signify; we can soon
have them; there is plenty just over the way." I did
not think the man was serious; but on mentioning the
circumstance to Mr. Lewis, he told me that there really
were potatoes at an English Fort on the river St. Peter's,
distant only from two to three hundred miles."

24th. — This morning I was informed by Jussum
that the squaw dance would be performed in the after-
noon, and he promised to have horses ready for us by
mid-day. I packed up a few beads for presents, and
spent the fore part of the day in my usual way, but took
a more extended range into the interior from the river,
as the air was calm, having discovered that the mos-
quitoes remain almost entirely in the valley of the river,
where during calm weather it was nearly impossible to
collect. On the top of a hill, about four miles from
the Fort, I had a fine view of a beautiful valley, caused
by a rivulet, being a branch of Knife River, the declivi-

** This Englisii post upon Si. Peter's (Minnesota) River appears to
have been one founded by the independent traders of Mackinac. Lieuten-
ant Pike met CameroQ (1S05), who had a post among the Sioux near the
mouth of the Minnesota. Captain T. G. Anderson {Wisconsin Hislorical
CoUections, \x, pp. 158 ff.) describes his wintering station among the Sioux,
upon Si. Peter's River about fifty miles above its tnouth. All of the Prairie
du Chien traders, including Dickson, traded with the Sioux upon this stream.
The exact location of the post to which Bradbury refers, has not been deter-

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[Vol.5

ties of which abound in a new species of eleagnus, inter-
mixed with a singular procumbent species of cedar
(juniperus.) The branches are entirely prostrate on
the groimd, and never rise above the height of a few
inches. The beautiful silvery hue of the first, con-
trasted with the dark green of the latter, had a most
pleasing [153] effect; and to render the scene more in-
teresting, the small alluvion of the rivulet was so plenti-
fully covered with a species of lily, {lilium catesbeBt) as
to make it resemble a scarlet stripe as far as the eye
could trace it. I returned to the Fort much gratified,
and prepared to accompany Jussum to the dance. On
our approach some fields of Indian corn lay betwixt us
and the village, which I wished to avoid, and proposed
that we should change our route, as the com was now
nearly a yard high." This proposal was absolutely re-
fused by Jussum, and we rode on through the com till
we came to where some squaws were at work, who
called out to us to make us change our route, but were
soon silenced by Jussum. I suspected that he com-
mitted [154] this aggression to show his authority or

'*This U about the fuU height to which the maize grows in the Upper
Missouri, and when this circumstance is connecled with ihe quickness
with which it grows and is matured, it is a wonderful inslance of the power
^ven to some plants to accommodate themselves lo climate. The latitude
of 'h'S place is about forty-seven degrees geographically, but geologically
many degrees colder, arising from its elevation, which must be admitted to
be veiy considerable, when we consider that it is at a distance of more than
three thousand miles from the ocean by the course of a rapid river. Thia
plant is certainly the same species of kc that is cultivated within the tropics,
where it usually requires four months to ripen, and rises lo the height of
twelve feet. Here ten weeks is sufficient, with a much less degree of heat.
Whether or not this property is more peculiar to plants useful to men, and
given for wise and benevolent purposes, I will not attempt to detennine. —

BBADBtJSS.

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159

importance. On our arrival at the village we went
into several of the lodges, which were constructed
exactiy in the same form as those of the Aricaras. We
smoked at every lodge, and I found by the bustle among
the women that they were preparing for the dance, as
some of them were putting on their husbands' clothes,
for which purpose they did not retire into a comer, nor
seem in the least discomposed by our presence. In
about half an hour the dance began, which was per-
formed in a circle, the dancers moving round, with
tomahawks in their hands. At intervals they turned
their faces all at once towards the middle of the circle,
and brandished their weapons. After some time one
of them stepped into the centre of the ring, and made
an harangue, frequently brandishing her weapon,
whilst the rest moved round her. I found that the
nature of all the speeches was the same, which was to
boast of the actions of their husbands. One which
made Jussum smile I requested he would interpret.
He briefly informed me, that she had said her husband
had travelled south-west to a country inhabited by
white people, which journey took him twenty days to
perform: that he went to steal horses, and when he
came to the white people's houses, he found one where
the men were gone out, and in which he killed two
women, and stole from them a number of horses. She
corrected [155] herself, by denying that they were
women whom her husband had killed, and the reasons
she assigned to prove they were not, was what caused
Jussum to smile. The dance did not last more than
an hour, and I was informed by Jussum that it would
be followed by a feast of dog's flesh, of which it was

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[Vol.5

expected I should partake. I excused myself by say-
ing I wished to collect some plants, and set out alone.
In my way to the Fort I passed through a small wood,
where I discovered a stage constructed betwixt four
trees, standing very near each other, and to which the
stage was attached, about ten feet from the ground.
On this stage was laid the body of an Indian, wrapt
in a buffalo robe. As the stage was very narrow, I
could see all that was upon it without much trouble.
It was the body of a man, and beside it there lay a bow
and quiver with arrows, a tomahawk, and a scalping
knife. There were a great number of stages erected
about a quarter of a mile from the village, on which
the dead bodies were deposited, which, for fear of giv-
ing offence, I avoided; as I found, that although it is
the custom of these people thus to expose the dead
bodies of their ancestors, yet they have in a very high
degree that veneration for their remains which is a
characteristic of the American Indians.*' I arrived
at the Fort about sunset. Soon afterwards we heard
the report of a swivel down the river, which caused us
all to run [156] out, and soon saw the boat belonging to
Mr. Lisa turning a point about two miles below us.
We returned the salute, but he did not arrive that
night, as the side on which we were, to within half a
mile of the Fort, consisted of high perpendicular
bluffs, and his men were too much exhausted to reach
us by the river.

25th. — This morning I had the pleasure of again
meeting Mr. Brackenridge, and of finding that it was

For a further account of burial customs among the Mandan, see Smith-
sonian Stforl, i88s, part ii, pp. 476-378, 410, 411.— Ed.

'I]

Bradbury's Travels

the intention of Mr. Lisa to stay at least a fortnight at
the Fort. I was very glad to have so good an oppor-
tunity of examining this interesting country. I re-
ceived by the hands of Mr. Brackenridge some small
articles for trade, which I had delivered to him at the
Aricaras, This enabled me to reward the gardener
for his civility in offering me a place in the garden where
I could deposit my living plants, and of this I availed
myself during my stay.

27th. — The business relative to the horses having
been arranged betwixt Mr. Lisa and Mr. Crooks, he
set out early this morning on his return to the Aricara
nation; and as he was not without his fears that the
Gros Ventres Indians, headed by Le Borgne, or One
Eyed, would attempt to rob him of his horses, he deter-
mined to proceed with as much celerity as we had
travelled to the Fort, [157] eind kept his departure as
secret as possible. I was much pleased to see this chief
at the Fort in a few hours afterwards, being satisfied
that Mr. Crooks was now out of his reach. As it may
give some idea of the tyrannic sway with which the
chiefs sometimes govern these children of nature, I
shall relate an instance of cruelty and oppression prac-
tised by this villain. He had a wish to possess the wife
of a young warrior of his tribe, who was esteemed
beautiful. She resisted his offers, and avoided him.
He took the opportunity of the absence of her husband,
and carried her off forcibly. The husband was in-
formed on his return of the transaction, and went to the
lodge of Le Borgne to claim his wife. The monster
killed him. The young man had no father: his mother
only was living, and he was her only son. The shock

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[Vol. s

deprived her of reason, and she reviles the wretch
whenever she meets him, and often seeks him to pro-
cure the opportunity of doing so. Even amongst those
we term savages, the horror which the deed has occa-
sioned is so great, and the pity which the situation of
the poor maniac has excited so prevailing, that he dares
not kill her. How much then ought Christians to
detest a similar deed. He has a most savage and fero-
cious aspect, and is of large stature. He is chief of one
of the villages of the Minetarees, or, as the French call
them, Gros Ventres, and assumes a dominion over
both, although [158] there are several other chiefs. It
is stated by Mr. Lewis that the two villages or bands can
raise six hundred warriors, but the number at this
time is probably much less. The object of this wretch
in visiting the Fort was to make professions of friend-
ship, and to obtain a present. Mr. Lisa knew very
well the value of his professions, but, notwithstanding,
he gave him some, with which he appeared satisfied."
28th. — Having selected some silver ornaments which
I purposed presenting to She-he-kfe, Mr. Brackenridge
agreed to accompany me to the Mandan village. We
obtained horses from Mr. Lewis for the journey, and
about ten o'clock set off. We crossed Knife River
at the lower of the Minetaree villages, and paid the
accustomed price to the squaw who ferried us over;

" The reputation here given Le Borgoe, the giant chief of the Minitaree,
is fully borne out by the reporta of other traders and travellers. Heniy
speaks of him as "an astute and atrocious savage," and gives incidents of
his ferodty similar to those died by Bradbury. He also represents him u
a successful diplomat, and as being composed and deliberate in the midst
of trying drcumstances. Lewis and Clatli, as they returned down the
river {1806), sought to propitiate this influential chieftain by presenting him
with thdr swivel gun. The tradition is, that he was killed by a rival chief.
Red Shield.— Ed.

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163

which was, for each of us, three balls and three charges
of powder. Before we left the village, we were invited
into the lodge belonging to the While Wolf, one of the
chiefs of this village, with whom we smoked." I was
surprised to observe that his squaw and one of his
children had brown hair, although their skins did not
appear to be lighter coloured than the rest of the tribe.
As the woman appeared to be above forty years of
age, it is almost certain that no intercourse had taken
place betwixt these people and the whites at the time
she was bom. I should have been less [159] surprised
at the circumstance had they been one of those tribes
who change their places of residence; but they have
not even a tradition of having resided in any other
place than where the present village stands. The
White Wolj appeared to be much pleased with our visit,
and by signs invited us to call at his lodge whenever we
came that way. He shook hands very cordially with
us at parting. In our way to the Mandans we passed
through the small village belonging to the Ahwah-
haways, consisting of not more than eighteen or twenty
lodges. This nation can scarcely muster fifty warriors,

Land yet they carry on an offensive war against the Snake
and Flathead Indians.'"" On our arrival at the Man-
dans, She-he-kfe, as before, came to the door of his
by
DF]
inl

" This Minitaree chief would 3cem la be the one called by Lewis and
Clark, "Wolf Man Chief," a son of the famous Choke Cheny. Henry
Chief of the Wolves," and describes his exploits. See Henry-
Tkirmpiim Journals (Coues'a ed.), pp. 368-370. — Ed.

The Ahnahaways were called by the French Gena de Soulier, and
by the Maadan, Wattasoons (Wetersoons) . They were kindred to the
Minitaree, claiming to be an offshoot of the Crows. A separate tribal
organizalion was maintained by them until about 1S36, when they merged
into the Hidatsa. Their village was oD the present lite of Stanton, Mercer
County, North Dakota. — Ed.

164

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[VoLs

lodge, and said, "come in house." We had scarcely
entered when he looked earnestly at us, and said,
"whiskey." In this we could not gratify him, as we
had not thought of bringing any. I presented the silver
ornaments to him, with which he seemed much pleased,
and after smoking we were feasted with a dish consisting
of jerked buffalo meat, com, and beans boiled together.
I mentioned to him my wish to purchase some mocka-
sons, and he sent out into the village to inform the
squaws, who flocked into the lodge in such numbers,
and with so plentiful a supply, that I could not buy a
tenth part of them. I furnished myself with a dozen
pair at a cheap rate, for which I gave a little vermillion,
[160] or rather red lead, and a few strings of blue beads.
During our stay, She-he-kfe pointed to a little boy in
the lodge, whom we had not before noticed, and gave
us to understand that his father was one of the party
that accompanied Mr. Lewis, and also indicated the
individual. On our return we crossed Knife River at
the upper village of the Minetarees. The old squaw
who brought the canoe to the opposite side of the river,
to fetch us over, was accompanied by three yoimg
squaws, apparently about fourteen or fifteen years of
age, who came over in the canoe, and were followed
by an Indian, who swam over to take care of our horses.
When our saddles were taken off, and put into the
canoe, Mr. Brackenridge and myself stepped in, and
were followed by the old squaw, when the three young
ones instantly stripped, threw their clothes into the
canoe, and jumped into the river. We had scarcely
embarked before they began to practice on us a number
of mischievous tricks. The slow progress which the

iSog-iSii]

Bradbury's Travels

.6j

canoe made enabled them to swim round us frequently,
sometimes splashing us, then seizing hold of the old
squaw's paddle, who tried in vain to strike them with
it; at other times they would pull the canoe in sueh a
manner as to change the direction of its course ; at length
they all seized hold of the hind part, and hung to it.
The old squaw called out to the Indian that was fol-
lowing our horses, who immediately swam down to our
[i6i] assistance, and soon relieved us from our froUck-
some tormentors, by plunging them successively over
head, and holding them for a considerable time under
water. After some time they all made their escape
from him, by diving and swimming in different direc-
tions. On landing, by way of retaliation, we seized
their clothes, which caused much laughing betwixt
the squaw and the Indian. We had many invitations
to stay and smoke; but as it was near sunset, and we
had seven miles to ride, they excused us.

29th and 30th. — I continued adding to my stock,
and the latter day observed a vein of fine coal, about
eighteen inches thick, in the perpendicular bluff below
the Fort. On shewing specimens of it to some of the
hunters in the Fort, they assured me that higher up the
river it was a very common substance, and that there
were places in which it was on fire. As pumice is
often found floating down the Missouri, I made fre-
quent inquiries of the hunters if any volcano existed on
the river or its branches, but could not procure from
them any information that would warrant such a con-
clusion. It is probable, therefore, that this pumice
stone proceeds from these burning coal beds.

ist July. — I extended my researches up the river,

1 66 Early fVestem Travels [Vol. s

along the foot of the bluEfs; and when at [162] the dis-
tance of three or four miles from the Fort, and in the
act of digging up some roots, I was surprised by an
Indian, who was within a few yards of me before I
perceived him. He had a short gun on his shoulder,
and came close to me. He shewed me by signs that
he knew very well I was collecting those roots and
plants for medicine, and laying hold of my shirt, made
the motion usual when traffic or exchange is proposed.
It consists in crossing the two fore fingers one over the
other alternately. On his pointing to a little distance
from us, I perceived a squaw coming up, followed by
two dogs, each of which drew a sledge, containing some
mockasons and other small articles. The signs which
he afterwards made were of a nature not to be misunder-
stood, and implied a wish to make a certain exchange
for my shirt, wherein the squaw would have been the
temporary object of barter- To this proposition I did
not accede, but replied, in the Osage language, honkoska
(no) which he seemed to understand, and immediately
took hold of my belt, which was of scarlet worsted,
worked with blue and white beads, and repeated his
proposition, but with the same success. After looking
at me fiercely for a few moments, he took his gun from
his shoulder, and said in French, sacre crapaud, which
was also repeated by the squaw. As I had foreseen
that he would be offended at my refusal, I took care, on
the first movement [163] which he made with his gun,
to be beforehand with him, by placing my hand on the
lock of mine, which I held presented to him. In this
situation we gradually withdrew from each other, until
he disappeared with his squaw and the dogs.

iSog-iS

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167

2nd. — Mr. Brackenridge and I made an CKCursion
into the interior from the river, and found nothing in-
teresting but what has already been noticed, excepting
some bodies of argillaceous schist, parts of which had
a columnar appearance. They were lying in a hori-
zontal position, and resembled in some degree the
bodies of trees,

4th. — This day being the anniversary of the inde-
pendence of the United States, Mr. Lisa invited us to
dine on board of his boat, which was accepted by
Messrs. Brackenridge, Lewis, Nuttall, and myself ;
and as Le Borgne and the Black Shoe, the two Mine-
taree chiefs, called at the Fort before dinner, they were
invited also. They ate with moderation, and behaved
with much propriety, seeming studiously to imitate
the manners of white people. After dinner Mr. Lisa
gave to each of them a glass of whiskey, which they
drank without any hesitation ; but on having swallowed
it, they laid their hands on their stomachs, and exhibited
such distortion of features, as to render it impossible to
forbear laughing. As Jussum was present, I asked
[164] him the meaning of some words which they spoke
to each other, who informed me that they called the
whiskey fire water.

Mr. Lisa having announced to us his intention to
depart on the 6th for the Aricaras, I employed myself
during the 5th in packing up carefully my collection,
and on the morning of the 6th we set out. Our pro-
gress down the river was very rapid, as it was still in
a high state. We did not land until evening, after mak-
ing in the course of the day more than one hundred
miles. In the evening and during the night the mos-

1 68

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

quitoes were exceedingly troublesome, which rendered
it almost impossible to sleep.

7th. — We passed Caimon-ball River about ten
o'clock, and stopped a short time at its mouth, where I
noticed and procured some additional specimens. In the
evening I had the pleasure of meeting my former com-
panions, and was rejoiced to find that Mr. Crooks ar-
rived safely with the horses, and that Mr. Hunt had
now obtained nearly eighty in all. Soon after my ar-
rival, Mr. Hunt informed me of his intention to depart
from the Aricaras shortly. I therefore purposed re-
turning down the river; and as the Canadians would
not be permitted to take their trunks, or, as they termed
them, their caisettes, by land, I purchased [165] from
them seventeen, in which I intended to arrange my liv-
ing specimens, having now collected several thousands.
It had been a custom with us to keep a guard round
our camp during the night, since our arrival at the
Aricaras. Four of the party were stationed for this
purpose until midnight, and were then relieved by four
others, who remained on guard until morning. On
the morning of the loth, at day-break, some Indians
came to our camp from the village, among whom was
my friend the young warrior. As I happened to be
on guard, he came to me, and by signs invited me to
go and breakfast with him. Whilst we were sitting
together, he suddenly jumped up, and pointed to the
bluffs, at the distimce of three or four miles down the
river. On looking, I observed a numerous crowd of
Indians. He gave me to understand that it was a war
party on their return, and immediately ran to the
village. In a few minutes the tops of the lodges were

i8o9-i8ii

Bradbury's Travels

i6g

crowded with Indians, who appeared much agitated.
Soon after an Indian gallopped past our camp, who I
understood was a chief. In a few minutes afterwards
parties began to come out of the village, on their
way to meet the warriors, or rather to join them,
as it is the custom for a war party to wait at a distance
from the village, when a victory has been gained,
that their friends may join in the parade of a trium-
phal entry; and on such occasions all their [i66] finery
and decorations are displayed: some time also is re-
quisite to enable the warriors at home and their friends
to paint themselves, so as to appear with proper eclat.
During the time that elapsed before the arrival of the
procession, I walked into the village, where a universal
stillness prevailed. No busmess seemed to be going on,
excepting the preparing of something for the warriors
to eat on their return. The squaws were thus employed
in all the lodges into which I entered,"' and I noticed
that not one of the poor creatures seemed in the least
solicitous about her own person; as they are [167] too

'" I noticed over their fires much larger vessels of eartheoware than any
I had before seen, and was permitted to examine them. They were suffi-
ciently hardened by the fire to cause them to emit a sonorous tone on being
■truck, and in all I observed impressions on the outside, seemingly made by
wicker work. This led me to enquire of them by signs how they were made ?
when a squaw brought a basket, and took some clay, which she began to
■pread very evenly within it, shewing me at the same time that they were
made in that way. From the shape of these vessels, they must be under
%e necessity of burning the basket to disengage them, as they are wider
at the bottom than at the top. I must here remark, that at the Great Salt
Lick, or Saline, about twenty miles from the mouth of the Wabask, vast
quEutittes of Indian eaxthenwaie are fouad, on which I have observed im-
prcsiions exactly similar to those here mentioned. From the situation of
Ibese heaps of fragments, and their proximity to the salt works, I am decid-
edly of opinion that the Indians practised the art of evaporating the brine,
to make salt, before the discovery of America. — Bbaobuby.

170

Rarly Western Travels

[Vol.s

insignificant to be thought an appendage to a triumph.
It was near the middle of the day before the procession
came in sight, when I went to meet it, in order that my
view might be prolonged. A number of the old men
and squaws were also moving down from the town to
meet it. At the head of the procession were four
standard bearers, followed by a band of warriors on
foot; after which came a party on horseback: to these
succeeded two of the principal chiefs, betwixt whom
was a young warrior, who I understood had been severe-
ly wounded. Then came two other standard bearers,
who were succeeded by another band of foot and horse;
this order was observed until the four bands of which
the party consisted had passed. They were about
three hundred in number: each man carried a shield;
a few were armed with guns, some with bows,'" and

'" The bows are short, but strong. Thost which are esteemed the best,
are made of (he homs of the aoimal called by the French ;riii cotta. Thia
animal inhabits the Rocky Mountains, and is gr^arious. All who have seen
it, n:preseDl its agility in leaping from rock lo rock as one of the most surpris-
ing things|they ever beheld. The Americans coU it the mounlain sheep: hut
the probability is that it belongs to the genus antelope. The boros are
exceedingly large for the size of the animal. The bows are made of three
pieces, very neatly joined together by a long splice, and wound round with
tinew in a very eiact manner. The neW in value, and but little inferior, are
made of a yellow wood, from a tree which grows on Red River, and perhaps on
the Arkansas. This wood is called hoii jaate, or bois d'arc. I do not
think the tree has yet been described, unless it has been found lately in
Mexico. I have seen two trees of this species in the garden of Piene Chou-
teau, in St. Louis, and found that it belongs to the class dioecia ; hut both of
the trees being females, I could not determine the genus. The fruit is as
large as an apple, and is rough on (he outside. It bleeds an acrid milky
juice when wounded, and is called by the hunleis the Osage orange. The
price of a bow made from this wood at the Aricaras is a hoisc and a blanket.
Many of the war clubs are made of the same kind of wood, and have the
blade of B knife, or some sharp itiatnunent, fastened at the end, and pro-
jecting from four lo di inches, forming a right angle with the club.— Beai>-

i8o9-i8u

Bradbury's Travels

others with war clubs. [i68] They were painted in
a manner that seemed as if they had studied to make
themselves hideous. Many of them had the mark
which indicates that they had drunk the blood of an
enemy. This mark is made by rubbing the hand all
over with vermillion, and by laying it on the mouth, it
leaves a complete impression on the face, which is
designed to resemble and indicate a bloody hand.
With every band some scalps were carried, elevated on
long sticks; but it was easy to perceive, on a close exami-
nation, that the scalps had been divided, to increase
the apparent number. The enemy that were killed
we suppose did not exceed in number seven or eight,
and they had themselves lost two, so that this engage-
ment had not been a very bloody one. As the body
approached the town, the squaws and old men met
them, and, excepting the lamentations [169] of those
whose relatives had been killed or wounded, the ex-
pressions of joy became general, but without disturbing
in the least the order of the procession. I walked into
the village, which assumed a busy air. On the entrance
of the party, the warriors were conducted to the differ-
ent lodges, that they might refresh themselves; and the
old men went among them, shaking hands with some,
and seemingly bestowing praises on others, who had
conducted themselves well in the battle. As the time
fixed on for the departure of Mr. Hunt and his party
by land was now approaching, I quitted this scene of
festivity, in order to resume my employment, and
returned to the camp, where I found the party busily
employed in preparing for their departure, by parching
and grinding com, mixing it with sugar, and putting

172

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tVol. 5

it in bags. I now learned that the three men who had
promised to accompany me down the river had changed
their minds, and on account of the now determined and
inveterate hostility of the Sioux, they could not be pre-
vailed on to venture, although I made them liberal
offers. Two of them had determined to join the expe-
dition: the other, Amos Richardson, was very anxious to
descend the river, four years having elapsed since he
had seen the house of a white man ; but we two would
not have been sufficient to navigate the boat. Not-
withstanding this I commenced filling the caisettes
with plants, and placed them in my [170] boat, and in
the evening again walked up to the village, where I
met Mr. Brackenridge, who had amused himself during
the afternoon by attending to the proceedings conse-
quent on the return of the war party. I was also met
by my friend the young warrior, who invited me into
his lodge, and repeated his request that I would be his
guest during my stay. I gave him a few yards of printed
calico and some gunpowder. In return he pressed me
to accept a bow and a quiver fuU of arrows. Whilst we
were smoking, his sister prepared some buffalo meat
with hominy, of which we ate, and after shaking hands
with him, I joined Mr. Brackeru-idge. In the village
all kind of labour among the women was suspended:
the old men were going from lodge to lodge, probably
enquiring the particulars of the engagement, and be-
stowing praises on those who had behaved well. The
tops and entrances of the lodges were adorned with the
shields and arms of the warriors, and all seemed joy
and festivity, with the exception of those squaws who
were moummg the loss of the killed. It may not be

Bradbury's Travels

173

amiss to observe that these people had more reason to
rejoice for this victory, than many European nations
have had for those of infinitely more importance in ap-
pearance. For although it had not been attended with
so much bloodshed as some battles in Europe have, yet
it had for the present driven away an enemy, who
[171] for two or three weeks had been hovering round,
and threatened us all with starvation. This enemy
is the oldest and the most implacable they have, and
has already succeeded so far in effecting their exter-
mination, that they are reduced from composing ten
large tribes to their present number. These miscreants
have been constantly their oppressors, and rob and
murder them sometimes with impunity. The present
number which the two villages contain is estimated at
two thousand, and the warriors at five hundred, but I
think it overrated. They are derived from the Panies,
and are stout and well built. The men go mostly naked
in summer, and when disposed to make use of a cover-
ing, it consists of only a part of a buffalo skin thrown
over the shoulders, with a hole for the right arm to
pass through. This can be thrown off in an instant.
They scarcely ever appear without arms beyond the
limits of the town. As the nature of the country ren-
ders it necessary that they should pursue their game
on horseback, frequent practice renders them not only
good horsemen, but also teaches them to handle their
bows and strike an object with precision with their ar-
rows, when at full speed. They chiefly subsist on the
buffalo, and when a herd is discovered, a considerable
number of the hunters dispose themselves in a manner
so as to approach as near as possible unperceived by

174

Early Western Travels

[Vols

them. This must always be done [172] with due
regard to the direction of the wind, on account of the
exquisite degree in which this animal possesses the
sense of smelling. The instant they are perceived by the
herd, they dash in amongst them, each singling out one.
The horse is taught to understand and obey the wishes
of his rider, although conveyed to him by the slightest
movement. When he has overtaken a bu£falo, he does
not offer to pass it, but continues at an even pace until
the arrow is discharged, when the rider singles out an-
other immediately, if he thinks the first arrow has
effected his purpose. If the horse has sufficient strength
and wind to enable his rider to kiU three buffaloes, he
is held in great estimation. None of these would be
sold by the Aricaras to Mr. Hunt. After the horses
are out of breath, they pursue the wounded animals at
leisure, as they separate from the herd on being woimd-
ed, and are soon left behind from weakness, occasioned
by loss of blood. To produce a more copious discharge,
the heads of the arrows designed to be used in hunting
are much broader than those intended for war. The
heads of both are flat, and of the form of an isosceles tri-
angle; the length of the two equal sides is three times
that of the base.'"* [173] In neither does the shaft of
the arrow fill up the wound which the head has made;
but the shaft of the hunting arrow is fluted, to promote
a still greater discharge of blood. On these occasions
they often kill many more than they can possibly dis-
pose of, and it has already been observed that hunting

"* Before the Indians had an^ intercourse
the heads of their arrows of flint or horn sloni
from the traders, who cut th«a from rolled i

with the whites, they n

They now purchase them
:x}D or from hoops. — Bkai>-

1809-1811] Bradhury's Travels 175

parties are frequently followed by wolves, which profit
by this wanton destruction.

The Aricaras do not provide for their horses any
better than the other nations of the Missouri. They
cut down the cotton wood, (populus angulosa) and the
horses feed on the bark and smaller branches. I have
seen instances exhibiting proofs that these poor animals
have eaten branches two Inches in diameter. The
women, as is the custom with Indians, do all the drudg-
ery, and are excellent cultivators. I have not seen, even
in the United States, any crop of Indian com in finer
order, or better managed, than the com about these
villages. They also cultivate squashes, beans, and the
small species of tobacco {nicotiana rustica.) The only
implement of husbandry used by them is the hoe. Of
these implements they were so destitute before our
arrival, that I saw several of the squaws hoeing their
com with the blade bone of a buffalo, ingeniously fixed
in a stick for that purpose.

I am not acquainted with any customs peculiar [174]
to this nation, except that of having a sacred lodge
in the centre of the largest village. This is called the
Medicine Lodge, and in one particular corresponds
with the sanctuary of the Jews, as no blood is on any
account whatsoever to be spilled within it, not even
that of an enemy; nor is any one, having taken refuge
there, to be forced from it. This lodge is also the
general place of deposit for such things as they devote to
the Father of life: but it does not seem absolutely
necessary that every thing devoted shall be deposited
here; for one of the chiefs, availing himself of this
regulation, devoted his horse, or, in their mode of ex-

176

Early Western Travels

[Vol-s

pressing it, "gave it to his medicine," after which he
could not, according to their rules, give him away.
This exempted him, in respect to that particular object,
from the tax which custom lays on the chiefs of this
nation and most of the other nations. This will be
explained by stating that generosity, or rather an in-
difference for self, forms here a necessary qualification
in a chief. The desire to acquire and possess more
than others, is thought a passion too ignoble for a brave
man: it often happens, therefore, that a chief is the poor-
est man in the community.

In respect to their general policy as regards property,
they seem to have correct ideas amongst themselves of
the Ttteum and tuum; and when the [175] generally
thievish character of those we call savages is considered,
the Indians of the Missouri are superlatively honest
towards strangers. I never heard of a single instance
of a white man being robbed, or having any thing stolen
from him in an Indian village. It is true, that when
they find white men trapping for beaver on the grounds
which they claim, they often take from them the furs
they have collected, and beat them severely with their
wiping sticks; but so far is this from being surprising,
that it is a wonder they do not kill them, or take away
their rifles.

The chief part of their riches consists in horses, many
of which are obtained from the nations southwest of
them, as the Chayennes, Poncars, Panies, &c. who
make predatory excursions into Mexico, and steal horses
from the Spaniards. A considerable number of those
bought from the Aricaras were branded, and were

iSog-iSii

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177

doubtless brought from Mexico, as the Indians do not
practice branding.

There is nothing relating to the Indians so difficult
to understand as their religion. They believe in a
Supreme Being, in a future state, and in supernatural
agency. Of the Great Spirit they do not pretend to
give any account, but believe him to be the author and
giver of all good. They believe in bad spirits, but seem
to consider them rather [176] as little wicked beings,
who can only gratify their malignity by driving away
the game, preventing the efficacy of medicine, or such
petty mischief. The belief in a future state seems to
be general, as it extends even to the Nodowessies or
Sioux, who are the furthest removed from civilization,
and who do not even cultivate the soil. It is known,
that frequently when an Indian has shot down his en-
emy, and is preparing to scalp him, with the tomahawk
uplifted to give the fatal stroke, he will address him in
words to this eflfect: "My name is Cashegra. I am a
famous warrior, and am now going to kill you. When
you arrive at the land of spirits, you will see the ghost
of my father; tell him it was Cashegra that sent you
there.' ' He then gives the blow.

In respect to laws, I could never find that any code
is established, or that any crime against society becomes
a subject of inquiry amongst the chiefs, excepting cow-
ardice or murder. The last is, for the most part, pun-
ished with death, and the nearest of kin is deputed by
the council to act the part of executioner. In some
tribes, I am told, this crime may be commuted. It
scarcely requires to be observed, that chastity in females

.78

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

is not a virtue, nor that a deviation from it is considered
a crime, when sanctioned by the consent of their hus-
bands, fathers, or brothers: but in some tribes, [177]
as the Potowatomies, Saukies, Foxes, &c. the breach
of it, without the consent of the husband, is punished
severely, as he may bite off the nose of his squaw if she
is found guilty.

No people on earth discharge the duties of hospitality
with more cordial good-will than the Indians. On en-
tering a lodge I was always met by the master, who first
shook hands with me, and immediately looked for his
pipe: before he had time to light it, a bear-skin, or that
of a buffalo, was spread for me to sit on, although they
sat on the bare ground. When the pipe was lighted, he
smoked a few whiffs, and then handed it to me; after
which it went round to all the men in the lodge. Whilst
this was going on, the squaw prepared something to eat,
which, when ready, was placed before me on the ground.
The squaw, in some instances, examined my dress, and
in particular my mockasons: if any repair was wanting,
she brought a small leather bag, in which she kept her
awls and split sinew, and put it to rights. After con-
versing as well as we could by signs, if it was near night,
I was made to understand that a bed was at my ser-
vice; and in general this offer was accompanied by that
of a bedfellow.

The two men, Jones and Carson, whom we met
descending the Missouri on the 22nd of May, had
[178] remained with the Aricaras during the wmter, and
on our return, Carson was desirous of rewarding the
Indian with whom he had boarded during that period.
For that purpose he obtained some articles from Mr.

1809-18II]

Bradbury's Travels

179

Hunt, and offered them to the savage, who refused to
accept them, and as a reason for it, observed, that
*^ Carson was poorer than himself,"

I breakfasted with Mr. Lisa the day following, and
found that he intended to send two of the boats pur-
chased from Mr. Hunt to St. Louis, with skins and
furs, and that Mr. Brackenridge purposed to descend
with them. I knew also that in a week our party
would take their departure for the Pacific Ocean.
Messrs. Hunt, Crooks, and M'Kenzie invited me to
go to the Pacific, and in the first instance I was inclined
to accept the invitation; but finding that they could not
assure me of a passage from thence to the United States
by sea, or even to China, and considering also that I
must sacrifice my present collection by adopting that
measure, and that in passing over the Rocky Moun-
tains, I should probably be unable to preserve or carry
my specimens, I declined. There was now something
of uncertainty whether Mr. Lisa would return to St.
Louis in autumn, or remain during the winter.

On duly weighing all these cu-cumstances, I resolved
to return in the boats which were intended [179] to be
dispatched down the river, although it did not exactly
suit my views, as I had noticed a great number of
species of plants on the river, that, from the early state
of the season, could not then be collected advantageous-
ly. These 1 had reserved for my descent; but as no
man would accompany me but Richardson, I applied
to Mr. Lisa, informing him of my wish to descend in
his boats; and on consideration of being permitted to
land at certain places which I pointed out, I offered to
give him my boat as a compensation. To this he readi-

iSo

Early Western Travels

[Vol.s

ly agreed, and I commenced preparing for my depart-
lu'e.

It had been a matter of surprise to me on my return
from Fort Mandan, to find plenty of fresh buffalo meat
in our camp, although the fear of the Sioux had not yet
subsided. On enquiry, I found that Mr. Hunt had
hit upon an expedient which proved successful. This
was to dispatch a boat up the river in the night to some
miles distant, which afforded an opportunity to the
hunters to procure food. This boat returned with a
plentiful supply, and secured the party from starving,
as a considerable portion of the Indian dogs were al-
ready consumed. I was not less surprised on learning
that at least two-thirds of our Canadians had experi-
enced unpleasant consequences from their intercourse
with the squaws, notwithstanding which [i8o] the traffic
before mentioned continued. I had been informed
by Jones and Carson of the existence of this evil, but
found it was of the mildest description, and that here,
where the natives do not use spirituous liquors nor
salt, it is not feared- I found some of the Canadians
digging up roots, with which I understood they made a
decoction, and used it as a drink. They mostly pre-
ferred the roots of rudbeckia purpurea, and sometimes
they used those of kouslonia longifolia.

This morning a circumstance came to our knowledge
which gave serious alarm to Mr. Hunt and the leaders
of the party. During the night a cask of gunpowder
belonging to me had been stolen from amongst the bag-
gage, and from the security of our situation, and the pre-
cautions we had taken, it was impossible the Indians
could have stolen it. Our camp was situated immedi-

i8og-i8ii

Bradbury's Travels

ately on the bank of the river; the tents, together with
the men sleeping in their blankets, surrounded the bag-
gage, and four men were constantly on guard during the
night, walking round the camp in sight of each other.
I had been on guard in the fore part of the night, and
Mr. Crooks on the latter watch. No collusion could
therefore be suspected; these and other circumstances
concurred in producing a belief that some of the party
intended to desert, and on examination I found that
one of my trunks had been [i8i] opened, and a pistol,
some flints, my belt, and a few shirts, taken out. In
confirmation of our opinions, John Day, one of the
hunters,"" informed Mr. Hunt of his having overheard
some of the Canadians murmuring at the fatigues they
had already undergone, and expressing an opinion that
they should all be murdered in the journey they were
going to undertake. As the safety of the party depend-
ed, in a great measure, on its strength, a diminution in
the number, if considerable, might therefore defeat the
enterprize; a search was made in all the neighbour-
hood of the camp, and even in the bank of the river, but

'" John Dajr was a Virginia backwoodsman who hail huDted some dme
on the Missouri, and bad been in Crooks's employ. He joined the overland
Astorian party at their winter quarters on the Nodaway. Upon the outward
journey Day and Crook were left behind, being robbed and stripped by the
Indians on the Columbia. They were rescued and carried to Astoria by
Robert Stuart's party. Day started to return with the ovetlaod party in
1813, but was taken violently insane, and attempted his own li/e. He
was sent back to Astoria, where Irving says that he died the following year.
There is evidence, however, tliat he joined the North West Company and
lived until iSig. See Ross, Adventures ej the First Settlers on Hu Colum-
bia, comprising vol. vii of the present series. Two rivers in Oregon are
named for this traveller — a smaU cirek in the western part of the state,
flowing into Ihe Columbia, and a large affluent of the latter in eastern
Oregon. — Ed.

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

without effect. As my boat might facilitate a deser-
tion, I caused it to be removed to Mr. Lisa's camp, who
moored it in safety with his own boats; and I employed
myself, for the remainder of the day, in fillin g some
boxes.

On account of my constant attention to plants, and
being regularly employed in collecting, I was con-
sidered as the physician of the party by all the nations
we saw; and generally the merfictwe men amongst them
sought my acquaintance. This day, the doctor, whom
Mr. Brackenridge and I saw in the upper village, and
who showed me his medicine bag, came to examine my
plants. I found he understood a few French words,
such as hon, mal, &c. I presented him with some small
ornaments of silver, with which he appeared to be very-
much [182] pleased, and requested me to go to his lodge
and smoke with him. When I entered, he spread a
fine new buffalo robe for me to sit on, and showed
me that it was a present, which he wished me to accept.
I smoked with him, and regretted much that we could
only converse by signs, and he seemed also to feel the
same regret. He showed me a quantity of a plant
lately gathered, and by signs informed me that it cured
the cholic. It was a new species of amorpha. I re-
turned to the camp, accompanied by the doctor, who
very politely carried the buffalo robe for me.

On the i7thl took leave of my worthy friends, Messrs.
Hunt, Crooks, and M'Kenzie, whose kindness and
attention to me had been such as to render the parting
painful; and I am happy in having this opportunity of
testifying my gratitude and respect for them : through-
out the whole voyage, every indulgence was given me,

I809-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

that was consistent with their duty, and the general
safety. Mr. Lisa had loaded two boats with skins
and furs, in each of which were six men. Mr. Bracken-
ridge, Amos Richardson, and myself were passengers.
On passing our camp, Mr. Hunt caused the men to
draw up in a line, and give three cheers, which we re-
turned ; and we soon lost sight of them, as we moved at
the rate of about nine miles per hour. I now found,
to my great surprise, that Mr. Lisa [183] had instructed
Mr. Brackenridge not, on any account, to stop in the
day, but if possible, to go night and day. As this
measure would deprive me of all hopes of adding to my
collection any of the plants lower down the river, and
was directly contrary to our agreement, I was greatly
mortified and chagrined ; and although I found that Mr.
Brackenridge felt sensibly for my disappointment, yet
I could not expect that he would act contrary to the
directions given by Lisa : I had in consequence the mor-
tification during the day, of passing a number of plants
that may probably remain unknown for ages.

Our descent was very rapid, and the day remarkably
fine; we had an opportunity, therefore, of considering
the river more in its loui ensemble than in our ascent,
and the changes of scenery came upon us with a suc-
cession so quick, as to keep the eye and the mind con-
tinually employed. We soon came in sight of the
bluffs which border the Chayenne River, stretching as
far as the eye could reach, and visible only through the
low intervals in those bordering the Missouri. Before
night we passed the Chayenne, and during a few mo-
ments had a view of its stream, for two or three miles
above its junction with the Missouri. It is one of the

Karly Western Travels

[Vols

largest rivers that falls into it, being at least four hun-
dred yards wide at its mouth, and [184] navigable to a
great distance. The banks appear to be more steep
than those of the Missouri, and are clothed with trees
to the water's edge. On both sides of the river we saw
numberless herds of buffaloes, grazing in tranquillity,
some of them not a quarter of a mile from us when we
passed them. We continued under way until late in
the evening, and encamped on an island ; a measure we
determined to pursue when practicable, as we knew
that to fall into the hands of the Sioux would be certain
death. \ \

i8th. — We set out early, and continued under way
during the whole of the day without interruption, and
encamped on Great Cedar Island, where a French
trader, named L'Oiselle, formerly had a post or trading
house.*" This island is about two miles in length,
and chiefly covered with very fine cedar, and some rose
and currant bushes, considerably overrun with vines,
on which some of the grapes were already changing
colour.

19th. — In the early part of the day we arrived at the
upper part of the Great Bend, and continued to see in-
numerable herds of buffaloes on both sides of the river.
I now found that although our patron, or steersman, who
conducted the first boat, and directed our motions, was
determined to obey strictly the orders of Lisa as regard-

*** This post, commonly known as Fort aui Cfedres, and situated upon
an island about thirty miles below Piene, in Hughes County, South DakoUt,
WHS probably the earliest upon the upper Missouri. Lewis and Claik
noted it in 1804.

Registre Loisel came lo St. Louis in I7()3 under the Spanish regime, and
entered the fur-trade. He died in 1804, and his fort was abandoned. — Ed.

iSog-iSii

Bradbury's Travels

185

ed expedition, [185] yet from his timidity I had some
hope of opportunities to collect.

Before we entirely passed the Great Bend a breeze
arose, which rulBed the surface of the river: He put
ashore, not daring to proceed, and we lay to during the
remainder of the day, having descended about two hun-
dred and eighty miles in two days and a half. I deter-
mined not to lose this opportunity to add a few species
to my collection, and was accompanied in my excur-
sion by Mr. Brackenridge, who employed himself in
keeping a good look out for fear of a surprise by the
Sioux, a precaution necessary to my safety, as the nature
of my employment kept me for the most part in a stoop-
ing posture. The track of land which is inclosed in the
Bend probably contains about forty square miles,
nearly level, and the soil excellent. It was at this
time covered with fine grass and scattered groves of
trees, betwixt which many herds of buffaloes were quietly
grazing: we did not wish to disturb them, for fear of
thereby enabling the Sioux to discover us.

20th. — About nine o'clock we discovered some
buffaloes grazing near the edge of the river, about half
a mile below us, and in such a position that we might
apparently approach very near them without being dis-
covered. We landed a little above [186] them, and ap-
proached within about sixty yards, when four of the
party fired. It appeared that two were wounded, one
of which fled towards the river, into which it plunged,
and was immediately pursued by one of the boats,
whilst the party ashore followed the other, among whom
I ran, but I was much less intent on obtaining the
buffalo, than on procuring some plants which I knew

1 86

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

were to be had on the bluffs, and actually succeeded.
In about half an hour the party gave up the pursuit,
being unsuccessful, and returned discouraged to the
place where they had left me. But as I had not
gone over the bluffs, and had observed what had
passed in the river, I gave them the pleasing intel-
ligence that the boat had overtaken the other buffalo,
and that the men were now employed in dragging
the carcase ashore. We soon joined them, and in
a few minutes the animal was skinned and cut up.
It was by much the fattest we had seen, and the
tallow it contained was very considerable.'"

[187] We soon passed White River, which is inferior
both in magnitude and beauty to the Chayenne, if we
may judge from its mouth, where it is not more than
three hundred yards wide. Soon after we passed the
river, we saw a buffalo running over the bluff towards
the Missouri, which put us on our guard, as we con-
sidered it a certain indication of Indians being near.
Immediately below the river the vast vein of iron ore
commences which has been before mentioned. I
again noticed its exact conformity on both sides of the
river, in point of elevation and thickness of the vein.

As the evening approached we noticed a succession
of flashes of lightning, just appearing over the bluffs,
on the opposite side of the river. This did not for
some time excite much attention, as it was by no means

'" I am informed by the hunters, that in aulumn ihe quantity of tallow or
fat in the buffalo is very great. It of t-ourse diminishes when fcxid becomes
scarce. As Ihe same thing obtains in a number of animals, by climate and
habit ordained lo procure abundance 0/ food in summer, and to suffer great
privation in winter, this coliection of fat seems to be a kind of reservoir,
containing the means of existence, which is drained by absorbent
returned into the system when necessaiy. — Bkaqbu&u.

I809-I81I]

Bradbury's Travels

187

an uncommon occurrence; but we soon began to ap-
prehend impending danger, as we perceived that the
storm advanced with great rapidity, accompanied with
appearances truly terrific. The cloud was of a pitchy
blackness, and so dense as to resemble a soHd body,
out of which, at short intervals, the lightning poured
in a continued stream for one or two seconds. It was
too late to cross the river, and, unfortunately for us, the
side on which we were was entirely bounded by rocks.
We looked most anxiously for some little harbour, or
jutting point, behind which we might shelter [188] our-
selves; but not one appeared, and darkness came on
with a rapidity I never before witnessed. It was not
long that any choice was left us. We plainly heard the
storm coming. We stopped and fastened our boats to
some shrubs, {amorpha jruticosa) which grew in abun-
dance out of the clefts of these rocks, and prepared to
save ourselves and our little barks if possible. At each
end of the boats there was a small deck: under these we
stowed our provisions, &c.: next to the decks were
piled the packs of skins, secured by ropes, and in the
middle a space of about twelve feet long was left for
the oarsmen. Fortunately for us, we had some broad
boards in each boat, designed as a defence against
arrows, in case of an attack by the Sioux. These
boards we placed on the gunwale of the boats, and
crammed our blankets into such parts as the lightning
enabled us at intervals to see did not fit closely. Before
we had time to lash our boards the gale commenced,
and in a few minutes the swell was tremendous. For
nearly an hour it required the utmost exertion of our
strength to hold the boards to their places, and before

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

the storm abated we were nearly exhausted, as also
were those who were occupied in baling. As the river
is in this place nearly a mile in breadth, and being on
the lee shore, the waves were of considerable magnitude,
and frequently broke over the boats. Had our fasten-
ings given way, we must [i8g] inevitably have perished.
When the wind abated the rain increased, and con-
tinued for the greater part of the night, during which my
friend Brackenridge and myself lay on the deck, rolled
up in our wet blankets, congratulating ourselves on our
escape. For myself I felt but little: two years, in a
great measure spent in the wilds, had inured me to
hardships and inclemencies; but I felt much for my
friend Brackenridge. Poor young man, his youth, and
the delicacy of his frame, ill suited him for such hard-
ships, which, nevertheless, he supported cheerfully.

In the morning the sun rose unobscured, which was
to us extremely welcome, as its heat soon rendered us
comparatively comfortable. We passed the river
L'Eau qui Court, and shortly afterwards the place
where we met the Poncar Indians, and as the wind
began to blow fresh, we stopped five or six miles lower
dovra, nearly at the place where I met the three Indians
on the 24th of May. This enabled me to procure roots
of the new species of currant, although with much pain
and diflBculty, having four miles at least to wade
through water and mud, as the river had recently
overflowed its banks. On my return to the boats, as
the wind had in some degree abated, we proceeded, and
had not gone more than five or six miles before we
were surprised by a dull hollow sound, the cause [190]
of which we could not possibly imagine. It seemed

Bradbury's Travels

to be one or two miles below us; but as our descent
was very rapid, it increased every moment in loudness,
and before we had proceeded far, our ears were able
to catch some distinct tones, like the bellowing of
buffaloes. When opposite to the place from whence
it proceeded, we landed, ascended the bank, and en-
tered a small skirting of trees and shrubs, that separated
the river from an extensive plain. On gaining a view
of it, such a scene opened to us as will fall to the lot of
few travellers to witness. This plain was literally cov-
ered with buffaloes as far as we could see, and we soon
discovered that it consisted in part of females. The
males were fighting in every direction, with a fury
which I have never seen paralleled, each having singled
out his antagonist. We judged that the number must
have amounted to some thousands, and that there were
many hundreds of these battles going on at the same
time, some not eighty yards from us. It will be recol-
lected that at this season the females would naturally ad-
mit the society of the males. From attentively observing
some of the combats nearest to us, I am persuaded that
our domestic bull would almost invariably be worsted
in a contest with this animal, as he is inferior to him
both m strength and ferocity. A shot was fired amongst
them, which they did not seem to notice. Mr. Brack-
enridge joined me in [191] preventing a volley being
fired, as it would have been useless, and therefore
wanton; for if we had lulled one of these animals, I am
certam the weight of his carcase in gold would not have
bribed us to fetch him. I shall only observe farther,
that the noise occasioned by the trampling and bellow-
ing was far beyond description. In the evening, before

190

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

we encamped, another immense herd made its appear-
ance, running along the bluffs at full speed, and al-
though at least a mile from us, we could distinctly hear
the sound of their feet, which resembled distant thun-
der.

The morning of the next day was very fine. We
saw some buffaloes swimming, at which the men fired,
contrary to our wishes, as we did not intend to stop for
them. The stream was very rapid. We passed the
Sulphur bluffs, and stopped a short time at Floyd's
grave: shortly afterwards we arrived at the trading
house opposite the Maha village, but saw no one, nor
did we wish it, as Mr. Lisa had not called on the Big
Elk when he ascended, who might probably be offended
at his neglect. We encamped on some drift wood
from necessity, not being able to get ashore. The
navigation of the river had now become much more
difficult, and we had in the two succeeding days some
very narrow escapes. The river was considerably
higher than at any former period, and from the Mahas
to the River [192] Platte, is more crooked than in any
other part. At every sudden turn the momentum of
the boats had a continual tendency to throw them
ashore on the outer bank, which it required all the skill
of the steersman, and strength of the oarsmen, to pre-
vent. In two instances we were very near being carried
into the woods, in places where the river overflowed
its banks. We arrived at Fort Osage, now Fort Clark,
on the 27th in the afternoon, and were very politely
received by Major Brownson. I had the pleasure to
find that Mr. Sibley had returned a few days before
from his tour to the Arkansas, to examine the vast body

I809-ISII]

Bradbury's Travels

of salt in the neighbourhood of that river. He very
politely furnished us with extracts from his journal,
which are as follows: —

"After giving a number of medals to the Panie
chiefs, and having various counsels with them, I left
their villages on the 4th of June, and proceeded to the
little Osage Camp, on the Arkansas, about seventy-
five miles south, and sixteen east from the Panics, where
I safely arrived on the nth. I remained several days
with the Osages, who had abundance of provisions,
they having killed two hundred buffaloes within a few
days. Where they had their camp, the Arkansas was
about two hundred yards wide, the water shallow,
rapid, and of a red colour. On the i6th, the Indians
raised their camp, and proceeded towards the hilly
country, on [193] the other side of the Arkansas. I
continued with them about fifty miles west and thirty
miles east, when we fell in with some men of the Chan-
ier's Band, who informed us that their camp was at no
great distance, and the camp of the Big Osage still
nearer. In consequence, I determined to pass through
both on my way to the Grand Salines. On the 21st
I rode south forty miles, east thirty, to the Big Osage
camp;"" nearly all the warriors were at war, or abroad

'" These Indians were abroad hunting, and the camps noted by Sibley
were temporary. Their permanent villages were as follows: Ibat of the
Grand Osage, high up on the river of that name, in Vernon County, Mis-
souri; that of the Little Osage, about six miles beyond; Chanier's Band
was the Arkansas branch of the Osage, under the chief Cashesagra, whose
village was on the Verdigris Branch of the Arkansas, about sixty miles from
its mouth, in the present Cherokee nation, Indian Territory. Chouteau
had had a Gne trade with the Osage, when Manuel Lisa succeeded in ob-
taining the monopoly for thai tribe on the Missouri and Osage rivers, where-
upon Chouteau enticed one of the bands to the waters of the Arkansas.
See Pike's ExptdilUmi (Coues's ed.. New York, 1895). pp, ss6-SS8.— Ed.

192 Early Western Travels (Vol. 5

hunting, I was remarkably well treated by young
White Hair and family; I however remained but one
night with them. On the sad I rode twenty miles
south, fifteen east, to the Chanier's camp, where we ar-
rived about one o'clock. We were well treated by the
head men; and indeed, this is one of the tribes most
attached to the Americans. The chief's name is Cler-
mont."" From hence it is forty miles to the Grand
Salines, which we reached early on the morning of the
24th. I hasten to give you a description of this cele-
brated curiosity.

"The Grand Saline is situated about two hundred
and eighty miles south-west of Fort Osage, between
two forks of a small branch of the Arkansas, one of
which washes its southern extremity; and the other, the
principal one, runs nearly parallel, within a mile of its
opposite side. It is a hard level plain, of reddish col-
oured sand, and of [194] an irregular or mixed figure.
Its greatest length is from north-west to south-east,
and its circumference full thirty miles. From the ap-
pearance of drift-wood that is scattered over, it would
seem that the whole plain is at times inundated by the
overflowing of the streams that pass near it. This
plain is entirely covered in hot dry weather, from two
to six inches deep, with a crust of beautiful clean white
salt, of a quality rather superior to the imported blown

'°' Clermont (Builder of towns) was said by Pike to be the hereditary
chief of the Great Osage, whose posilioQ waa usurped by White Hair the
elder, whiJe Ctermonl was still a child. Clernioiil seceded with Cashesagrs
(see preceding note), and became lie most influential chief of the Arkan-
&BS band. White Hair the elder remained at the original Great Osage
village. His son, young White Hair, accompanied Pike a short distance
on his journey, and then made an excuse to turn back. The explorer
calls him a "discontented young fellow, filled with self-pride." — Ed.

1809-I8II]

Bradburfs Travels

193

salt: it bears a striking resemblance to a field of brilliant
snow after a rain, with a light crust on its top. On a
bright sunny morning, the appearance of this natural
curiosity is highly picturesque : it possesses the quality
of looming, or magnifying objects, and this in a very
striking degree, making the small billets of wood appear
as formidable as trees. Numbers of buffaloes were on
the plain. The Saline is environed by a stripe of
marshy prairie, with a few scattered trees, mostly of
cotton wood ; behind these is a range of sand hills, some
of which are perfectly naked, others thinly clothed with
verdure and dwarf plum bushes, not more than thirty
inches in height, from which we procured abimdance
of the most delicious plums I ever tasted. The dis-
tance to a navigable branch of the Arkansas is about
eighty miles, the country tolerably level, and the water-
courses easily passed."" About sixty miles south-west
of this, I came to the Saline, [195] the whole of this dis-
tance lying over a country remarkably rugged and
broken, affording the most romantic and picturesque
views imaginable. It is a tract of about seventy-five
miles square, in which nature has displayed a great
variety of the most strange and whimsical vagaries.
It is an assemblage of beautiful meadows, verdant
ridges, and rude, mis-shapen piles of red clay, thrown
together in the utmost apparent confusion, yet affording
the most pleasant harmonies, and presenting us in
every direction an endless variety of curious and inter-

"* The saJines here described were on Cimarron River, where is now a
saline reservalion in Woodward County, Oklahoma. Lieutenant Willdn-
son, in his descent of the Arkansas River, describes them as locAled about
two days' march from that stream, and says the Indians obtain the salt by
scraping the pnurie with a turkey's wing. — Ed.

(

194

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

esting objects. After winding along for a few miles
on the high ridges, you suddenly descend an almost
perpendicular decHvity of rocks and clay, into a series
of level, fertile meadows, watered by some beautiful
rivulets, and here and there adorned with shrubby cot-
ton wood trees, elms, and cedars. These meadows
are divided by chains formed of red clay and huge
masses of gypsum, with here and there a pyramid of
gravel; one might imagine himself surrounded by the
ruins of some ancient city, and that the plain had sunk,
by some convulsion of nature, more than one hundred
feet below its former level; for some of the huge columns
of red clay rise to the height of two hundred feet per-
pendicular, capped with rocks of gypsum, which the
hand of time is ever crumbling off, and strewing in
beautiful transparent flakes along the [196] declivities
of the hills, glittering, like so many mirrors, in the
sun.'""

Mr. Sibly also showed me a letter from his father,
Dr. Sibly, of Natchitoches, informing him of a mass of
native iron having been brought down the Red River,
which weighed about two thousand five hundred
pounds. In the fort we saw the young bears which we
left there in passing up the river; they had grown sur-
prisingly, and were quite tame, except whilst feeding,
when all bears are more fierce than at other times.

28th.^ After breakfasting at the fort, we set off, and
encamped near where Fort Orleans formerly was situ-
ated.

"'The second saline, called "Grand Saline" on Pike's map, is located
\>y him on the head-springs of one branch of the Ciroarron, which would
probably place il in northwestern Texas, or southeastern Coiotado. — Ed.

IS09-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

195

29th. — About noon we came in sight of a white
man's house, at Boon's Lick, when our boatmen im-
mediately set up a shout. Soon after, some men
appeared at the edge of a field of Indian com, close
to the river: they invited us ashore, and we willingly
complied. In passing through the com, I was much
struck with its luxuriance: I judged it to be not less
than fourteen feet high, and the ears were far above
my head. It was Sunday, and when we arrived at
the house, we found three women there, all dressed in
clean white gowns, [197] and being in other respects
very neat, they formed a pleasing contrast to the squaws
whom we had of late been in the habit of seeing. They
soon spread the table for us, and produced bread, milk,
and preserved fruits, which I thought the most delicious
that I ever tasted. We arrived at St. Louis in safety,
where I had the pleasure of shaking hands with my
worthy friend, Mr. Abraham Gallatin, at whose house
I slept. Early the next day, I called at the post-office,
and found letters from Engl^md, informing me of the
welfare of my family. This pleasing intelligence was
damped by a letter from my son, who informed me that
those who had agreed to furnish me with the means of
prosecuting my tour, and to whom I had sent my former
collection, had determined to withhold any farther sup-
ply. Early in the forenoon, my worthy and respected
friend, Mr. S. Bridge, from Manchester, came to St.
Louis, and invited me to take up my residence for the
present with him. He informed me that during my
absence he had bought a considerable quantity of
land, on which he had built a house. He sent his
waggon for my plants, and allotted me a piece of

196

Early Western Travels

[Vol.5

ground, which, with much labour, I prepared in a few
days, got it surrounded by a fence, and transplanted
the whole of my collection. I found the situation of
Mr. Bridge's house extremely pleasant, and his plan-
tation of the first quality of land. Within a hundred
and fifty [198] yards of his house was a small vein of
coal, from twelve to eighteen inches in thickness, and
rising to the surface. For this land he had paid one
dollar, sixty-five cents per Jirpent, or French acre.'"

In about ten days after my arrival I was attacked by
a bilious fever, which confined me to my bed. Its
violence left me little hope of recovery. In about a
month it became intermittent, and continued until the
beginning of December,

During my illness a circumstance occurred, an ac-
count of which will tend to show the almost uncon-
querable attachment to the hunting life in those accus-
tomed to it. It will be remembered that a man named
Richardson accompanied us down the Missouri, and
that it has been related of him that he had been several
years in the wilderness. He had there suffered more
than common hardships, having been often ill treated
by the Indians, and once severely wounded by an
arrow. This man, during our descent, seemed to
look forward with great anxiety to the time when we
should arrive in the settlements, and often declared
his intention never again to adopt the hunting life.
When I had been sick about three weeks, he came to
see me, [199] and after some conversation, reminded
me of my having mentioned a design to ascend the

"* The arpent U to the statute acre nearly id the proportioa of eighty-
three to one hundred. — Brasbubv.

1809-1811] Bradbury's Travels 1 97

Arkansas River, and requested that I would admit him
as my companion, if I persisted in my intention. I
spoke of my doubts whether I should ever recover, and
expressed my surprise at so sudden a change in his in-
tentions. He replied, ' ' I find so much deceit and sel-
fishness amongst white men, that I am already tired of
them. The arrow head which is not yet extracted,
pains me when I chop wood, whiskey I can't drink, and
bread and salt I don't care about : I will go again amongst
the Indians."

Towards the latter end of November, I received a
remittance from those who had previously determined
to withhold it, together with a letter from the person"*
who managed the Botanic Garden at Liverpool, in-
forming me that he had received my former collection,
out of which he had secured in pots more than one
thousand plants, and that the seeds were already vege-
tating in vast numbers. As I had now so far recov-
ered as to be able to ride to St. Louis, I visited my
friend Mr. Gallatin, and remained with him some days,
during which period I often saw a young gentleman
from Philadelphia, Mr. H. W. Drinker, who had fre-
quently called to see me in my sickness, and whose
talents and amiable [200] manners had created in me a
strong attachment to him. In a tour through the
country west of the AUeghanies, he visited St, Louis,
and pleased with the beauty of the place, had resided
there for some months. Finding that I was determined
to descend the Mississippi to New Orleans, he invited
me to take my passage with him, as he purposed taking
a boat down to that place, loaded with lead, of which

"^ This man's lume is Shepherd. — Beadbuxv.

Early Western Travels

he had a sufficient quantity. This was a very favour-
able opportunity, and I made every exertion my weak
state would admit of, to be in readiness. A short time
afterwards Mr. Drinker ascertained that some debts
due to him, and contracted to be paid in lead, could not
be collected until the ensuing spring: he therefore
found himself necessitated to remain at St. Louis until
that period. But aware of the impossibility of my
detaining what yet remained of my collection till that
season, he offered to buy a boat, load it with lead, and
commit it to my care, with liberty to sell the lead at
Orleans, or store it for his account. This kind and
generous offer I gladly accepted, and in a few days a
boat was procured, and her cargo put on board, amount-
ing to about thirty thousand poimds weight of lead.
Her crew consisted of five French Creoles, four of whom
were oarsmen, and the fifth, who steered the boat, is
called the ^airm.

[201] On the evening of the 4th of December we were
in perfect readiness, when I took leave of my friends at
St. Louis, several of whom, from their polite attention
to me, I have reason to hold in lasting remembrance;
and in addition to those I have already mentioned, I
ought not to omit Mr. Josh, Charless, editor of the Mis-
souri Gazette, whose disposition and manners gain him
the esteem of all who know him : mine he will always
retain."' I find that I omitted stating, that in Novem-

"• The MUtouri Gmetlt waa the earliest oewspapet published west ol
the Mississippi River, its first issue appearing in iSoS. It wta the pro-
genitor of the present St. Louis Reptibtic, which look the latter title in 1811.
Joseph ChaHess, its first editor snd proprieloti was an Irishman who became
involved in sedition and fled to America in 1796- He served as printer
uoder Matthew Careir at Philadelphia until 1800, when he removed to
K-CDtuclty, and eight years later to St. Louis. Charless retired (com the
conduct of this paper in iSio, and died at St. Louis in 1834. — Ed.

i8o9-i8ri] Bradhury's Travels 199

ber Mr. Lisa arrived at St. Louis, and delivered me a
letter from Mr. Hunt, vrho informed me, that after my
departure from the Aricaras, whilst the men were still
assembled to watch our boats descend, he addressed
them on the subject of my cask of powder, which was
stolen, and with such effect, that one of the Canadians
came privately to his tent the night following, and in-
formed him where it was buried in the bank of the
river. Mr. Hunt caused a search to be made the day
after, and found it. As Mr. Lisa was in want of pow-
der, he bought it, and paid me for it on his return.

On the 5th of December I set off from St. Louis on
the voyage to New Orleans, a distance of about one
thousand three hundred and fifty miles. I was accom-
panied by Mr. John Bridge, whom I admitted as a pas-
senger at the request of his brother. He purposed
sailing from Orleans to the eastern [202] states. We
atrived at St. Genevieve in the evening, and slept at the
mouth of Gabarie, a small creek near the village, where
boats trading to that place usually stop. Having some
business to transact at St. Genevieve, I was detained
till the afternoon of the following day. During my
stay here, I became acquainted with a gendeman of the
name of Longprie, a native of St. Domingo. He had
a boat, in part loaded with lead, intended for Orleans.
It was much wished by both of us that we should
descend in company, as in case of an accident happen-
ing to one, assistance might be rendered by the other;
but as he could not be ready in less than two days, I
set out, intending to travel leisurely, that he might over-
take me. It may be necessary to remark in this place,
that the navigation of the Mississippi is attended with
considerable danger, and in particular to boats loaded

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

with lead. These, by reason of the small space occu-
pied by the cargo, in case of striking against a planter or
a sawyer, sink instandy. That these terms may be
understood, it must be observed that the alluvion of the
Mississippi is almost in every part covered with timber
close to the edge of the river, and that in some part or
other encroachments are continually made, and in
particular during the time of the floods, when it often
happens that tracts of some acres in extent are carried
away in a few days. As in most instances a large body
of earth is attached [203] to the roots of the trees, it
sinks those parts to the bottom of the river, whilst the
upper parts, more buoyant, rise to the surface in an
inclined posture, generally with the heads of the trees
pointing down the river. Some of these trees are fixed
and immoveable, and are therefore termed planters.
Others, although they do not remove from where they
are placed, are constantly in motion: the whole tree is
sometimes entirely submerged by the pressure of the
stream, and carried to a greater depth by its momen-
tum than the stream can maintain. On rising, its
momentum in the other direction, causes many of its
huge limbs to be lifted above the surface of the river.
The period of this oscillatory motion is sometimes of
several minutes duration. These are the sawyers,
which are much more dangerous than the planters, as no
care or caution can sufficiently guard against them.
The steersman this mstant sees all the surface of the
river smooth and tranquil, and the next he is struck
with horror at seeing just before him the sawyer raising
his terrific arms, and so near that neither strength nor
skill can save him from destruction. This is not figura-

I809-ISII]

Bradbury's Travels

tive: many boats have been lost in this way, and more
particularly those descending. From these and other
risks, it is common for those carrying lead, to have a
canoe with them, in which they may save themselves
in case of any accident happening to the boat.

[204] Until the 14th, no occurrence happened worth
noticing, excepting that we saw on the bank of the
river four Indians, who beckoned to us to stop: we ac-
cordingly landed near them, and found they were
Choctaws, who wanted to sell some venison and tur-
kies. As they were acquainted with the use of money,
I bought from them three turkies and two hind quar-
ters of venison for three quarters of a dollar, being the
sum they asked.

In the evening of the 14th, we arrived at New Mad-
rid, and having occasion for some necessaries, I bought
them in the morning."* I was much disappointed in
this place, as I found only a few straggling houses, situ-
ated round a plain of from two to three hundred acres in
extent. There are only two stores, which are very in-
differently furnished. We set off about nine o'clock,
and passed the Upper Chickasaw Bluffs; these bluffs
are of soft sand-stone rock, of a yellow colour, but some
parts being highly charged with oxyd of iron, the whole
has a clouded appearance, and is considered as a curi-
osity by the boatmen. At the lower end of the bluffs
we saw a smoke, and on a nearer approach, observed
five or six Indians, and on the opposite side of the river,
but lower down, we heard a dog howling. When the
Indians perceived us, they held up some venison, to

" Od the settlement of New Madrid, see Cui
s, p. }8], note 185. — Ed.

ng's Totir, vol. iv of <:

202 Early Western Travels [Vol. s

show us that they wished to dispose of it. Being de-
sirous of [205] adding to our stock of fresh meat, I
hastily got into the canoe, and took with me one of the
men, named La France, who spoke the Chickasaw lan-
guage, as I supposed the Indians to be of that nation."*
We very imprudently went without arms an omission
that gave me some uneasiness before we reached them;
especially as the boat, by my direction, proceeded
leisurely on.

We found that the Indians had plenty of deer's
flesh, and some turkies. I began to bargain for them,
when the people in the boat fired a shot, and the dog on
the other side of the river instantly ceased howling.
The Indians immediately flew to their arms, speaking
all together, with much earnestness. La France ap-
peared much terrified, and told me that they said our
people in the boat had shot their dog. I desired him
to tell them that we did not believe that our people had
done so, but if they had, I would pay them any price
for him. They seemed too much infuriated to hearken
to him, and surrounded us with their weapons in their
hands. They were very clamorous amongst them-
selves, and, as I was afterwards told by La France,
could not agree whether they should immediately put
us to death, or keep us prisoners until we could procure
goods from the boat to pay for the dog, on which it ap-
peared they set high value. Most fortunately for us,
the dog, [206] at this instant began to bark opposite to
us, having run a considerable distance up the river after
the shot was fired. The tomahawks were immediately

"* For tlie eail; hiitoiy of the Chickasaw Indians, see Croghan's loumalt,
vol. i of our series, p. 75, nole 36. — Ed.

i8o9-i8ii] Bradbury's Travels 203

laid aside, and I bargained for half a deer, for which I
gave them a quarter dollar and some gunpowder. I
was not very exact in measuring the last, being rather
anxious to get away, and could perceive that La France
had no desire to stay any longer.

On reaching our canoe we seized our paddles, and
being told by La France that we were not yet out of
danger, we made every exertion to get out of their reach.
When we conceived ourselves safe, we relaxed, and he
told me that even when we were leaving them, they
were deliberating whether they should detain us or not;
some of them having remarked that the dog might be
wounded. We had been so long delayed by this ad-
venture, that it was more than an hour before we over-
took the boat. I blamed the boatmen much for firing,
and chained them with having fired at the dog: this,
however, appeared not to have been the case, as they
fired at a loon, {mergus merganser.) In the course of
this day, we passed no fewer than thirteen arks, or
Kentucky boats, going with produce to Orleans; all
these we left a considerable distance behind, as they only
float with the stream, and we made considerable [207]
head-way with our oars. In the evening we came in
view of the dangerous part of the river, called by the
Americans the Devil's Channel, and by the French
Chenal du Diable. It appears to be caused by a bank
that crosses the river in this place, which renders it
shallow. On this bank, a great number of trees have
lodged; and, on account of the shallowness of the river,
a considerable portion of the branches are raised above
the surface; through these the water rushes with such
impetuosity as to be heard at the distance of some miles.

204

Early JVestem Travels

[Vol.5

As it would require every effort of skill and exertion
to pass through this channel in safety, and as the sun
had set, I resolved to wait until the morning, and
caused the boat to be moored to a small island, about
five hundred yards above the entrance into the channel.
After supper we went to sleep as usual; and in the night,
about ten o'clock, I was awakened by a most tremen-
dous noise, accompanied by so violent an agitation of
the boat that it appeared in danger of upsetting. Be-
fore I could quit the bed, or rather the skin, upon which
I lay, the four men who slept in the other cabin rushed
in, and cried out in the greatest terror, ' ' O mon Dieu!
Monsieur Bradbury, qu'est ce qu'il y af' I passed
them with sorac difficulty, and ran to the door of the
cabin, where I could distinctly see the [208] river agi-
tated as if by a storm; and although the noise was incon-
ceivably loud and terrific, I could distinctly hear the
crash of falling trees, and the screaming of the wild
fowl on the river, but found that the boat was still safe
at her moorings. I was followed by the men and the
patron, who, in accents of terror, were still enquiring
what it was: I tried to calm them by saying, "Restez
vous tranquil, c'est un tremblement de terre,^ ' which term
they did not seem to understand.

By the time we could get to our fire, which was on
a large flag, in the stem of the boat, the shock had
ceased; but immediately the perpendicular banks, both
above and below us, began to fall into the river in such
vast masses, as nearly to sink our boat by the swell they
occasioned ; and our patron, who seemed more terrified
even than the men, began to cry out, "O mon Dieul
nous perirons!" I wished to consult with him as to

i8o9-i8ri] Bradbury's Travels 205

what we could do to preserve ourselves and the boat,
but could get no answer except "O mon Dieul nous
perironsl" and "Allans i terre! Allans i ierrel" As
I found Mr. Bridge the only one who seemed to retain
any presence of mind, we consulted together, and agreed
to send two of the men with a candle up the bank, in
order to examine if it had separated from the island, a
circumstance that we suspected, from hearing the
[209] snapping of the limbs of some drift trees, which
were deposited between the margin of the river and
the summit of the bank. The men, on arriving at
the edge of the river, cried out, ' ' Venez i terrel Venez
i lerrel " and told us there was a fire, and desired Mr.
Bridge and the patron to follow them; and as it now
occurred to me that the preservation of the boat in a
great measure depended on the depth of the river, I
tried with a sounding pole, and to my great joy, found
it did not exceed eight or ten feet.

Immediately after the shock we observed the time,
and found it was near two o'clock. At about nearly
half-past two, I resolved to go ashore myself, but whilst
I was securing some papers and money, by taking them
out of my trunks, another shock came on, terrible in-
deed, but not equal to the first. Morin, our patron,
called out from the island, "Monsieur Bradbury I sauvez
vous, sauvez vousl" I went ashore, and found the
chasm really frightful, being not less than four feet in
width, and the bank had sunk at least two feet. I
took the candle to examine its length, and concluded
that it could not be less than eighty yards; and at each
end, the banks had fallen into the river. I now saw
clearly that our lives had been saved by our boat being

2o6

Early Western Travels

[Vol-s

moored to a sloping bank. Before we completed our
fire, we had two [210] more shocks, and others occurred
during the whole night, at intervals of from six to ten
minutes, but they were slight in comparison with the
first and second. At four o'clock I took a candle, and
again examined the bank, and perceived to my great
satisfaction that no material alteration had taken
place; I also found the boat safe, and secured my pock-
et compass. I had already noticed that the sound
which was heard at the time of every shock, always
preceded it at least a second, and that it uniformly
came from the same point, and went off in an opposite
direction. I now found that the shock came from a
little northward of east, and proceeded to the westward.
At day-light we had counted twenty-seven shocks dur-
ing our stay on the island, but still found the chasm so
that it might be passed. The river was covered with
foam and drift timber, and had risen considerably, but
our boat was safe. Whilst we were waiting till the
light became sufficient for us to embark, two canoes
floated down the river, in one of which we saw some
Indian com and some clothes. We considered this
as a melancholy proof that some of the boats we passed
the preceding day had perished. Our conjectures were
afterwards confirmed, as we learned that three had been
overwhelmed, and that all on board had perished.
When the daylight appeared to be suflScient for us, I
gave orders to embark, and we all went on board.
Two men [211] were in the act of loosening the fasten-
ings, when a shock occurred nearly equal to the first
in violence. The men ran up the bank, to save them-
selves on the island, but before they could get over the

I809-I81I]

Bradbury's Travels

207

chasm, a tree fell close by them and stopped their pro-
gress. As the bank appeared to me to be moving
rapidly into the river, I called out to the men in the
boat, "Coupez les cordes!" on hearing which, the two
men ran down the bank, loosed the cords, and jumped
into the boat. We were again on the river: the Chenal
du Diable was in sight, but it appeared absolutely im-
passable, from the quantity of trees and drift wood that
had lodged during the night against the planters fixed
in the bottom of the river; and in addition to our diffi-
culties, the patron and the men appeared to be so terri-
fied and confused, as to be almost incapable of action.
Previous to passing the channel, I stopped that the
men might have time to become more composed. I
had the good fortune to discover a bank, rising with a
gentle slope, where we again moored, and prepared to
breakfast on the island. Whilst that was preparing, I
walked out in company with Morin, our patron, to view
the channel, to ascertain the safest part, which we soon
agreed upon. Whilst we were thus employed, we ex-
perienced a very severe shock, and found some diffi-
culty in preserving ourselves from being thrown down;
another occurred during the time we were [212] at
breakfast, and a third as we were preparing to re-em-
bark. In the last, Mr. Bridge, who was standing
within the declivity of the bank, narrowly escaped being
thrown into the river, as the sand continued to give
way under his feet. Observing that the men were still
very much under the influence of terror, I desired
Morin to give to each of them a glass of spirits, and re-
minding them that their safety depended on their exer-
tions, we pushed out into the river. The danger we

208

Early Western Travels

[Vols

had now to encounter was of a nature which they under-
stood: the nearer we approached it, the more confi-
dence they appeared to gain; and indeed, all their
strength, and all the skill of Morin, was necessary;
for there being no direct channel through the trees,
we were several times under the necessity of changing
our course in the space of a few seconds, and that so
instantaneously, as not to leave a moment for delibera-
tion. Immediately after we had cleared all danger, the
men dropped their oars, crossed themselves, then gave
a shout, which was followed by mutual congratulations
on their safety.

We continued on the river till eleven o'clock, when
there was another violent shock, which seemed to afifect
us as sensibly as if we had been on land. The trees
on both sides of the river were most violently agitated,
and the banks in several places fell in, within our view,
carrying with them [213] innumerable trees, the crash
of which falling into the river, mixed with the terrible
sound attending the shock, and the screaming of the
geese and other wild fowl, produced an idea that all
nature was in a state of dissolution. During the shock,
the river had been much agitated, and the men became
anxious to go ashore: my opinion was, that we were
much safer on the river; but finding that they laid down
their oars, and that they seemed determined to quit the
boat for the present, we looked out for a part of the river
where we might moor in security, and having found
one, we stopped during the remainder of the day.

At three o'clock, another canoe passed us adrift on
the river. We did not experience any more shocks until
the morning of the 1 7th, when two occurred ; one about

1809-1811] Bradbury's Travels 209

five and the other about seven o'clock. We continued
our voyage, and about twelve this day, had a severe
shock, of very long duration. About four o'clock we
came in sight of a log-house, a little above the Lower
Chickasaw bluffs. More than twenty people came out
as soon as they discovered us, and when within hearing
earnestly entreated us to come ashore. I found them
almost distracted with fear, and that they were com-
posed of several families, who had collected to pray
together. On entering the house, [214] I saw a bible
lying open on the table. They informed me that the
greatest part of the inhabitants in the neighbourhood
had fled to the hills, on the opposite side of the river,
for safety; and that during the shock, about sun-rise
on the 16th, a chasm had opened on the sand bar oppo-
site the bluffs below, and on closing again, had thrown
the water to the height of a tall tree. They also affirmed
that the earth opened in several places back from the
river. One of the men, who appeared to be considered
as possessing more knowledge than the rest, entered into
an explanation of the cause, and attributed it to the
comet that had appeared a few months before, which
he described as having two horns, over one of which
the earth had rolled, and was now lodged betwixt them:
that the shocks were occasioned by the attempts made
by the earth to surmount the other hom. If this
should be accomplished, all would be well, if otherwise,
inevitable destruction to the world would follow. Find-
ing him confident in his hypothesis, and myself unable
to refute it, I did not dispute the point, and we went on
about a mile further. Only one shock occurred this
night, at half past seven o'clock. On the morning of

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

the 1 8th, we had two shocks, one betwixt three and four
o'clock, and the other at six. At noon, there was a
violent one of very long duration, which threw a
great [215] number of trees into the river within our
view, and in the evening, two slight shocks more, one at
six, the other at nine o'clock.

19th. — We arrived at the mouth of the river St.
Francis, and had only one shock, which happened at
eleven at night.

2oth.^ Detained by fog, and experienced only
two shocks, one at five, the other at seven in the
evening.

2ist. — Awakenedbyashockat half past four o'clock:
this was the last, it was not very violent, but it lasted
for nearly a minute.

On the 24th in the evening, we saw a smoke, and
knowing that there were no habitations on this part of
the river, we made towards it, and found it to be the
camp of a few Choctaw Indians, from whom I pur-
chased a swan, for five balls and five loads of powder,'"

25th. — Monsieur Longpre overtook us, and we en-
camped together in the evening. He was about two
hundred miles from us on the night of the 15th, by the
course of the river, where the earthquakes had also
been very terrible. It appeared from his account, that
at New Madrid the shock had been [216] extremely
violent: the greatest part of the houses had been ren-
dered uninhabitable, although, being constructed of
timber, and framed together, they were better calcu-
lated to withstand the shocks than buildings of brick

'" For the Choctaw Indians, see Cuming's Tour, vol. iv of our series,
p. 287, note 187.— Ed.

1809-1811] Bradbury* s Travels 211

or stone. The greatest part of the plain on which the
town was situated was become a lake, and the houses
were deserted.

The remainder of our voyage to Natchez was very
pleasant, with the exception of two very narrow es-
capes from planters in the river. Without any occur-
rence that would excite much interest, we arrived at
the port of Natchez on the afternoon of the 5th of
January, and went to the city, which is situated about
three quarters of a mile from the river, on the level
behind the bluffs.'" The port consists of thirty or
forty houses, and some stores: for the size of it, there is
not, perhaps, in the world a more dissipated place.
Almost all the Kentucky men stop here on the way
to Orleans, and as they now consider all the dangers
and difficulties of their voyage as past, they feel the
same inclination to dissipation as sailors who have been
long out of port, and generally remain here a day or
two to indulge it. I spent a pleasant evening in the
city, in company with Dr. Brown, whom I found to
be a very agreeable and intelligent man.

[217] In the morning of the 6th mstant I went on
board the steam boat from Pittsburg; she had passed
us at the mouth of the Arkansas, three hundred and
forty-one miles above Natchez; she was a very hand-
some vessel, of four hundred and ten tons burden, and
was impelled by a very powerful steam engine, made at
Pittsburg, whence she had come in less than twenty
days, although nineteen hundred miles distant. About
eighty miles above New Orleans, the sugar plantations

'" For the eai\y history of Natcbcz, see F. A. Michaux's Journal, vol.
iii of our seriea, p. 254, note 53. — Ed.

212 Early Western Travels [Vol. 5

commenced, some of which I visited, accompanied by
Mr. Longpre, who assured me that he had not seen
the cane m higher perfection in any part of the West
Indies. Many fields yet remained, from which the
cane had not been got in: they were now covered with
snow, an occurrence, as I was informed, very uncom-
mon. From this part to New Orleans, groves of orange
trees of great extent are seen on both sides of the river,
and at this season, loaded with ripe fruit.

On the 13th we arrived at New Orleans, where I
consigned the lead to the agent of Mr. Drinker, again
met with my friend Brackenridge, and on the 20th set
sail for New York.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX ^^^^^^1

^^H

VOCABULARY OF SOME WORDS ^^^|

IN THE ^^^^H

OSAGE LANGUAGE ^^H

Man,

^^^M

Woman,

^^^H

Boy,

Skin-zo skin-ga. ^^^^|

Girl,

She-ma skinga. ^^^^^|

Young man.

Sken-don-shc. ^^^^|

Young woman, Kas-ho-meH. ^^^^^|

Old man,

Ke-sau-ga hin-ga. ^^^^H

Old woman.

Wa-ko hin-ga, ^^^^H

Head,

Wa-augk-rek. ^^^^M

Nose,

^^M

Mouth,

E-haugh. ^^^^^1

Chin,

La-baugh. ^^^^M

Face,

^^^M

Throat,

^^H

Arm,

Haugh. ^^^H

[222] Hand,

Nom-ba. ^^^^^|

Breast,

Mo-in-ga. ^^^H

■ BeUy,

^^H

Thigh,

Sha-gaugh omba. ^^^H

Knee,

Se-don-ja. ^^^H

Leg,

Sha-gaugh. ^^^H

Calf of Leg,

^^H

Shin,

Wa-haugh. ^^^1

2l6

Early fVestem Travels

[Vol. 5 ■

Ancle,

He-ka.

Foot,

See.

^^^H

Toe,

See-paugh.

^^^H

Finger,

Sha-ga.

^^^^1

Finger nails,

Sha-ga hugk

^^^H

Horse,

Kou-o-la.

^^^^1

Mare,

Kou-o-ld ntin-gH

^^^^1

Colt,

Kou-o-lS. shin-ga.

^^^H

BuU,

Shes-ka ton-ga.

^^^H

Cow,

Shes-ka min-gd.

^^^^1

Buffalo bull,

Ska ton-ga.

^^^1

Ditto cow,

Ska.

^^^H

Elk, male,

0-pa ton-ga

^^^H

Do. female.

0-pa min-gd.

^^^H

Deer, male.

Taw ton-ga.

^^^^M

Do. female.

Taw min-gd.

^^^H

Fawn,

Sha-ra-sha shin-ga.

^^^H

Bear, male,

Was-saw-ba tott-ga.

^^^1

Do. female,

Was-saw-ba min-gd.

^^^H

Wolf,

Sho-ma ca-sa.

^^^H

Dog,

Shon-ga.

^^^^

[223] Fox,

Mou-shu lo-go-ni.

^^^H

Cat,

E-gron-ga-sha.

^^^^

Beaver,

Sha-ba.

^^^H

Otter,

Tow-non-ja.

^^^1

Squirrel,

Se-in-ja.

^^^1

Rabbit,

Mos-tin-ja.

^^^M

Panther,

E-gron-ga.

^^^H

Skunk,

Mon-ga.

^^^H

Rattlesnake,

Sha-kee.

^^^H

Black snake.

Waii-saw sau-ba.

^^^H

Frog,

Pa^is-ka.

i8o9-i8iil

Bradbury's Travels 217 ^|

Spider,

Shaw-bas-ka. H

Turkey cock,

Sur-ka ton-ga. ^^^^B

Ditto hen,

^^H

Goose,

Me-has-shaw-ba. ^^^^H

Swan,

Me-haS'ka. ^^^^^|

Dunghill cock,

Su-ga skti-ga ton-ga, ^^^^^M

Hen,

Su-ka shu-ga. ^^^^^|

Crow,

^^^^1

Raven,

Ka-wa ton-ga. ^^^^^M

Hawk,

Was-sa shin-ga ton-ga. ^^^^|

Eagle,

Hu-ras-po-sa. ^^^^^|

Vulture,

^^^^1

Owl,

Wa-w po-j&. ^^^^H

Fish,

. ^^H

An American,

Moi-kS ton-ga. ^^^^^

An Englishman,

Me-gra-sha. ^^^^H

A Frenchman,

^^^H

A Spaniard,

Esh-pa^uo. ^^^^M

[224] Sugar,

Shau-no. ^^^^|

Salt,

^^^1

Tobacco,

No-ne-agh. ^^^^^M

Pipe,

No-nem-ba. ^^^^^M

Gun,

Wau-ho'ton. ^^^^^|

Cannon,

Wau-ho-ton ton-ga. ^^^^^|

Pistol,

Wau-ho-ton-da paugk. ^^^^^|

Gunpowder,

Ne-hu-ja wa-ca-ja. ^^^^|

Lead,

Mos-sa ma-jos-ca. ^^^^^M

Flint,

Moi-hu-sS. ^^^^M

Powder-horn,

^^^1

Knife,

^^^1

Tomahawk,

Moi-hS sa-pa skinga. ^^^^M

Axe,

Moi'hi shaw-a-ga-sa. ^^^^^|

21 8 Early Western Travels

[Vol-s 1

Hoe,

Mon-sa-v&.

Kettle,

Ska-ha.

^^^H

Tin cup.

Kes-ne-la-td.

^^^H

Saddle,

Hon-ko-gra.

^^^1

Hair,

Pa-us-ka.

^^^^^1

Beads,

Hes-ka.

^^^H

Wampum,

Hes-ka wa-num-pi.

^^^H

Vennillion,

Wa-su-ga.

^^^^^1

Medal,

Ca-ha-ga.

^^^1

Cloth,

Hau.

^^^H

Red cloth.

Hau sku-ja.

^^^^1

White cloth.

Hau ska.

^^^^1

Black cloth, &c. &c.

HaU'Satt-ba.

^^^H

One,

Mi-ne-hS.

^^^H

Two,

Nom-baugk.

^^^H

[225] Three,

Lau-be-na.

^^^^1

Four,

To-ba.

^^^^1

Five,

Sal-la.

^^^1

Sii,

Ska-pa.

^^^H

Seven,

Pa-^om-ba.

^^^H

Eight,

Ke-lan-baugh.

^^^H

Nine,

Shan-ka.

^^^^1

Ten,

Cra-bra.

^^^H

Eleven,

Au-grS mi-ne-hi.

^^^H

Twelve,

Au-gri nom-baugh.

^^^1

Thirteen &c. to twenty,

Au-grS lau-be-na.

^^^H

One hundred,

Cra-bra ton-ga.

^^^H

River,

Nes-ka.

^^^H

Prairie,

Ton-ja.

^^^M

Woodland,

Son ja.

^^^H

A garrison,

Nau-sa.

^^^H

Village,

To-wa-ng.

i8o9-i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels 219 ^|

A commanding

officer,

KaW'ke-ja wau-ton-ga. ^H

Physician,

Wa-ken-da-ga. ^^^^H

Father,

^^^^^1

Mother,

^^^^1

Brother,

Wee-shin-da. ^^^^^|

Sister,

Wee-tm-ja. ^^^^|

Uncle,

Ween-ja-kS. ^^^H

Aunt,

Wee-she-mee. ^^^^^|

Brother-in-law,

Wee-ton-ha. ^^^H

Water,

Nes-nigh. ^^^^^M

Ice,

Non-ha. ^^^^^|

Snow,

^^H

[226] Rain,

Nigh-shu. ^^^^M

Frost,

^^^^^M

Winter,

^^^^^M

Summer,

^^^H

Spring,

^^^H

Autumn,

^^^H

Hot,

Most-cha. ^^^^^1

Cold,

Ne-wat-cha. ^^^^|

Red,

^^^H

White,

^^^H

Black,

^^^^^1

Blue,

^^^1

Yellow,

^^^H

Green,

Ne-a-ko. ' ^^^^H

House,

^^^H

Door,

Tee-he sha-ba. ^^^^H

Robe,

Mes-co-ha. ^^^^|

Blanket,

^^^H

Mockasons,

Hom-ba. ^^^^H

Leggings,

He-minca. ^^^H

220 Early Western Travels [Vol. s H

Soldier,

Has-ka-ke-da. ^|

Large,

Grm-da. H

Largest,

Tort-ga. ■

SmaU,

Wau-ho-ka. ^H

Smaller,

Shin-ga. ■^^^^

Ugly.

^^^H

Handsome,

Lo-go-ne. ^^^^M

Yes,

^^^1

No,

Hon-kos-ka. ^^^^H

[227] Good,

Lo-go-ne, or Tov-ha. ^^^^B

Bad,

Pe-sha. V

President of the United

Kow-a-ga Skffw-a-ga Wa- J

Stales,

^^^H

Large man.

Ne-ka she-ka gronda, ^^^^H

Large body of men.

Ne-ka she-ga hugk. ^^^^H

Flock of deer.

Tau-kugh. V

Large flock of birds,

Was-m skin-ga hugh. ^^

Drove of buffaloes,

Sha-to-ga ockt ^^^^^

Scalp,

Ne-shu-ha-du-sa. ^^^^^|

Run,

^^^H

Come,

^^^H

To go,

Mo-gre-ma. ^^^^H

Kill,

^^^H

Leap,

^^H

Me,

^^^1

You,

^^^1

Day,

^^^^1

Night,

^^^1

Light,

Hon-pa lo-gotiS. ^^^^H

Dark,

He-ni pe-sha. ^^^^^|

To part asimder.

^^^H

To join.

^^^1

z8o9-i8ii] Bradbury's Travels 221

To eat, Wa^um-bra.

To drink, Ne-hrorta.

To sleep, A-shem-bra.

To get up. Pail-haw.

To walk, O'ga-sha.

To lie down, Aur-re-can-sha.

[228] No. II
ORATION DELIVERED BY THE BIG ELK

THE CHIEF OF THE HAHA NATION

OVER THE GRAVE OF THE BLACK BUFFALO

CHIEF OF THE TETONS

A TRIBE OF THE SIOUX, AT THE
PORTAGE DES SIOUX""
14th July, 1813
Do not grieve — misfortunes will happen to the wisest
and best men. Death will come, and always comes
out of season: it is the command of the Great Spirit,
and all nations and people must obey. What is passed,
and cannot be prevented, should not be grieved for.
Be not discouraged or displeased then, that in visiting
your father here, you have lost your chief. A misfor-
tune of this kind may never again befal you, but this
would have attended you perhaps at your own village.
Five times have I visited this land, and never returned
with sorrow or pain. Misfortunes do not flourish
particularly in our path — they grow every where.
(Addressing himselj to Governor Edwards and Colonel
Miller.) What a misfortune for me that I could not
have died this day, instead of the [229] chief that lies
before us. The trifling loss my nation would have
sustained in my death, would have been doubly paid

"' Portage des Sioux is in St. Charles County, Missouri, at the point
where Ihe Mississippi most nearly approaches the Missouri River. Fre-
quent councils with the Indians were held at this place. In 1815 there wu
signed here the treaty which pacified the Western Indians. — Ed.

i8o9-i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels

223

for by the honours of my burial — they would have
wiped off every thing like regret. Instead of being
covered with a cloud of sorrow — my warriors would
have felt the sunshine of joy in their hearts. To me it
would have been a most glorious occurrence. Hereaf-
ter, when I die at home, instead of a noble grave and a
grand procession, the rolling music and the thundering
cannon, with a flag waving at my head, I shall be
wrapped in a robe, (an old robe, perhaps) and hoisted
on a slender scaffold to the whistling winds, soon to be
blown down to the earth — my flesh to be devoured by
the wolves, and my bones rattled on the plain by the
wild beasts, {Addressing himself to Colonel Miller.)
Chief of the soldiers — your labours have not been in
vain : — your attention shall not be forgotten. My nation
shall know the respect that is paid over the dead. When
I return I will echo the sound of your guns.

[230] No. Ill
THE FOLLOWING INTERESTING
NAIiRATIVE

OF THE

EXPEDITION OF MR. HUNT

MENTIONED IN THIS WORK, IS EXTRACTED FROM THE
MISSOURI GAZETTE

"We last week promised our readers an account of
the journey of the gentlemen attached to the New
York Fur Company, from the Pacific Ocean to this
place. — We now lay it before our readers, as collected
from the gentlemen themselves.

On the 28th of June, 1812, Mr. Robert Stewart,
one of the parttiers of the Pacific Fur Company, with
two Frenchmen, Mr. Ramsey Crooks, and Mr. Robert
M'Clellan, left the Pacific Ocean with despatches for
New York."*

After ascending the Columbia river ninety miles,

"• Robert Stuait, one of the partners of Ihe Pacific Fur Company, went
to Astoria in the sliip "Tonquin." For the adventures of that voyage,
see Franchtre's Narrativt, Id vol, vi of our series. Robert was a nephew
of David Stuart, and being bom in Scotland <17S4) was educated at Potu.
At the age of twenty-two he landed in Montreal and entered the service
of the North West Company. After the periloua overland journey herein
related, Smart became a partner of Astor in the American Fur Company,
and after 1819 was manager for that concern at Maddnac. Later (1334)
he removed to Detroit, where he became a prominent dtixeti, serving for
one term as state treasum- (1S40-41), and thereafter for four years as federal
Indian agent. He died to Chicago in 1848. Many of his letters, written
during his residence at Mackinac, are now in the archives of the Wisconsin
Historical Sodely. — Ed.

iSog-iSii]

Bradbury's Travels

John Day, one of the hunters, became perfectly insane,
and was sent back to the main establishment, under
the charge of some Indians: the [231] remaining six
pursued their voyage upwards of six hundred miles,
when they happily met with Mr. Joseph Miller, on his
way to the mouth of the Columbia. He had been con-
siderably to the south and east, among the nations
called Blackarms and Arapahays, by the latter of whom
he was robbed;'" in consequence of which he suffered
almost every privation human nature is capable of, and
was in a state of starvation and almost nudity when the
party met him.

They had now fifteen horses, and pursued their
journey for the Atlantic world, without any imcom-
mon accident, until within about two hundred miles of
the Rocky Mountains, where they unfortunately met

"* The BlncJtfect vA Arapaho pre both of Algonquian stock, belonging
to Chat branch of the great Indian family wbich had had its earlier habitat
east of the Miuisiippi River. Together with the Cheyenne they had crossed
into Siouan lerrilory, and now occupied the Rodty Mountain region. The
Blackfeet were the more northern of the two tribes, and quite aumeroui;
they roved upon the upper waters of the Missouri — chiefly Milk and
Mariii rivers — and traded with the British fur-trade companies which
operated throughout the vast region drained by the Winnipeg, Aasiniboine,
and Saskatchewan systems, which parallel the upper reaches of the Missouri
and its northern tributaries. Upon his return journey, Lewis had a hos-
tile encounter with one of their bands. To this unfortunate afiair, in ntiich
a Blackfoot hone-thief was killed by one of Lewis's tnen, has been attributed
the intense hostility of [he tribe to the early American traders, causing much
bloodshed and disaster. Later writers have thought, however, that their
oppo«tion arose from hunters who joined war-raids upon the BladifeEt.
The latter now number about two thousand, upon a reservation in Montana.

The Arapaho occupied the central mountainous region, roaBiing through
Wyoming and Southern Idaho. They traded with the Spaniards, and sup-
plied their kindred the Cheyenne with Spanish horses. There are now
about eighteen hundred o£ this ttibe upon reservatiora in Oklahoma
and Wyoming. — Ed.

226 Early Western Travels [Vol. 5

with a party of the Crow Indians,'" who behaved with
the utmost unbounded insolence, and were solely pre-
vented from cutting off the party by observing them
well armed and constantly on their guard. They, how-
ever, pursued on their track six days, and finally stole
every horse belonging to the party.

Some idea of the situation of those men may be
conceived, when we take into consideration, that
they were now on foot, and had a journey of two
thousand miles before them, fifteen hundred of which
was entirely unknown, as they intended and prose-
cuted it considerably south of Messrs. Lewis [232] and
Clarke's route. The impossibOity of carrying any
quantity of provisions on their backs, in addition to
their ammunition and bedding, will occur at first view.
The danger to be apprehended from starvation was
imminent. They, however, put the best face upon
their prospects, and pursued their route towards the
Rocky Mountains, at the head waters of the Colorado,
or Spanish River, and stood their course E. S. E. until
they struck the head waters of the great River Platte,
which they undeviatingly followed to its mouth. It
may here be observed, that this river, for about two
hundred miles, is navigable for a barge; from thence to
the Otto Village, within forty-five miles of its entrance
into the Missouri, it is a mere bed of sand, without
water sufficient to float a skin canoe.

From the Otto Village to St. Louis, the party per-

'" The Crows were of the Hidatsan sub-stock of the Siouan race, closelj
related to the Minitaree. They were a wandering tribe, whose habitat
was the Big Horn range and valley, and ihej were exacting in their demanda
upon traders. Their chief enemies were Blackfeet and Sioui. They now
number about eighteen hundred, upon a leservatioa in Montana. — Ed.

iSog-iSii]

Bradbury's Travels

2.ZJ

formed their voyage in a canoe, furnished them by the
natives, and arrived here in perfect health, on the 30th
of last month (May.)

Our travellers did not hear of the war with England
until they came to the Ottoes. These people told
them that the Shawnoe Prophet had sent them a wam-
pum, inviting them to join in the war against the Ameri-
cans.'" They answered the messenger, that they
could make more by trapping beaver than making war
against the Americans.

[233] After crossing the hills (Rocky Mountains)
they fell in with a small party of Snake Indians,'" from
whom they purchased a horse, which relieved them
from any further carriage of food, and this faithful
four-footed companion, performed that service to the
Otto village. They wintered on the river Platte, six
hundred miles from its mouth.

By information received from these gentlemen, it
appears that a journey across the continent of North
America might be performed with a waggon, there being
no obstruction in the whole route that any person
would dare to call a mountain, in addition to its being

™ The Shawnee Prophet was brother and partner of Tccumseh, in hil
confederacy against the Americana. The range of his operatjona is shown
by ihia message to the distant Oto. After the close of the War of 1813-15,
the Prophet received from the British authorities a pension for his services;
later, he removed with his tribe to Indian Territory, and there died about
1834.— Ed.

*" The Snake Indians were the largest branch of the Shoshocian stock,
And are frequently spoken of as Shoshoni. Their h&bilat was the upper
waters of the Columbia, whose largest tributary takes its name from (bii
tribe. They were first encountered aiid described by Lewis and Claric.
As a rule they have been friendly Indians. They now number about
twenty-five hundred, chiefly at the Fort Hall and Lemhi agencies in Idaho
Uld the Shoshoni agency in Wyoming. — Ed.

228

Rarly Western Travels

fVol. 5

much the most direct and short one to go from this
place to the mouth of the Columbia river. Any future
party, who may undertake this journey, and are tolera-
bly acquainted with the different places where it would
be necessary to lay up a small stock of provisions, would
not be impeded, as in all probability, they would not
meet with an Indian to interrupt their progress, although
on the other route, more north, there are almost insur-
mountable barriers."

Tke follovHng is Mr. Crooks's narrative 0} Mr.
Hunt's expedition from the Aricaras to tke Pacific:

Messrs. Hunt, Crooks, Miller, M'Clellan, M'Ken-
zie, and about sixty men, who left St. Louis [234] in the
beginning of March, 181 1, for the Pacific Ocean,
reached the Aricara village on the 13th day of June,
where meeting with some American hunters, who had
been the preceding year on the waters of the Columbia
with Mr. Henry, and who, giving such an account of
the route by which they passed, as being far preferable
in point of procuring with facility an abundant supply
of food at all times, as well as avoiding even the proba-
bility of seeing their enemies, the Black Feet, than by
the track of Captains Lewis and Clarke, the gentlemen
of the expedition at once abandoned their former ideas
of passing by the Falls of the Missouri, and made the
necessary arrangements for commencing their journey
over land from this place.

Eighty horses were purchased and equipped by the
17th of July, and on the day following they departed
from the Aricaras, sixty persons in number, all on foot,
except the partners of the company. — In this situation

1809-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

229

they proceeded for five days, having crossed in that
time, two considerable streams, which joined the Mis-
souri below the Aricaras, when, finding an inland
tribe of Indians, calling themselves Shawhays, but
known among the whites by the appellation of Chiennes,
they procured from these an accession of forty horses,
which enabled the gentlemen to furnish a horse for
every two [235] men. Steering about W. S. W. they
passed the small branches of Big River, the Little
Missouri, above its forks, and several of the tributary
streams of Powder River, one of which they followed
up. They found a band of the Absaroka, or Crow
nation, encamped on its banks, at the foot of the B^
Horn Mountain.

For ammunition and some small articles, they ex-
changed all their lame for sound horses, with these
savages; but although this band has been allowed by
every one who knew them, to be, by far, the best be-
haved of their tribe, it was only by that unalterable
determination of the gentlemen to avoid jeopardizing
the safety of the party, without, at the same moment,
submitting to intentional insults, that they left this
camp (not possessing a greater force than the whites)
without coming to blows.

The distance from the Aricaras to this mountain, is
about four hundred and fifty miles, over an extremely
rugged tract, by no means furnishing a sufficient sup-
ply of water: but during the twenty-eight days they
were getting to the base of the mountain, they were only
in a few instances without abundance of buffalo meat.

Three days took them over the plains of Mad River,
(the name given to the Big Horn above this [236]

230

Karly Western Travels

[Vol. S

mountain) which following for a number of days, they
left it where it was reduced to eighty yards in width,
and the same evening reached the banks of the Colo-
rado, or Spanish River. Finding flocks of buffaloes
at the end of the third day's travel on this stream, the
party passed a week in drying buSalo meat, for the
residue of the voyage, as in all probability those were
the last animals of the kind they would meet with.
From this camp, in one day, they crossed the Dividing
Mountain, and pitched their tents on Hoback's Fork of
Mad River, where it was near one hundred and fifty
feet broad ; and in eight days more, having passed sev-
eral stupendous ridges, they encamped in the vicinity
of the establishment made by Mr. Henry, in the fall of
1810, on a fork about seventy yards wide, bearing the
name of that gentleman;"* having traveDed from the
main Missouri, about nine hundred miles, in fifty-
four days. Here, abandoning their horses, the party
constructed canoes, and descended the Snake, or
K.y-eye-nem River, (made by the junction of Mad
River, south of Henry's Fork) four hundred miles; ui
the course of which they were obliged, by the interven-
tion of impassable rapids, to make a number of por-
tages; till at length they found the river confined between
gloomy precipices, at least two hundred feet perpen-
dicular, whose banks for the most part were washed by
this turbulent stream, which for thurty miles was a con-
tinual succession of falls, cascades, [237] and rapids.
Mr. Crooks' canoe had split and upset in the middle of

"* For biographical sketch of Andrew Henry, one of ihe partners of the
Missouri Fur Company, see Chittenden, Amrrican Fur Trade, pp. 351, jja.
His fort was the first trading post west of the Rocky Mountains, being
(ituated about where the village of Egin, Idaho, now stands. — Ed.

i8o9-i8ii]

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231

a rapid, by which one man was drowned, named An-
tonie Clappin, and Mr. Crooks saved himself only by
extreme exertion in swimming. From the repeated
losses by the upsetting of canoes, their provisions were
now reduced to a bare sufficiency for five days, totally
ignorant of the country where they were, and unsuc-
cessful in meeting any of the nations from whom they
could hope for information.

Unable to proceed by water, Messrs. M'Kenzie,
M'Clellan, and Reed set out in different directions
down the river, for the purpose of finding Indians, and
buying horses: Mr. Crooks, with a few men, returned
to Henry's Fork for those they had left, while Mr.
Hunt remained with the main body of men, entrapping
beaver for their support, Mr. Crooks, finding the dis-
tance much greater by land than he had contemplated,
relumed at the end of three days; where waiting five
more, expecting relief from below, the near approach
of winter made them determine on depositing all super-
fluous articles, and proceeding on foot. Accordingly,
on the loth of November, Messrs. Hunt and Crooks
set out, each with eighteen men ; one party on the south
side of the river. Mr. Hunt was fortunate in finding
Indians, with abundance of salmon and some horses;
but Mr. Crooks saw but few, and [238] in general too
miserably poor to afford his party assistance. Thir-
teen days brought the latter to a high range of mountains,
through which the river forced a passage, and the banks
being their only guide, they still, by climbing over points
of rocky ridges projecting into the stream, kept as near
to it as possible, till in the evening of the 3d of Decem-
ber, impassable precipices, of immense height, put an

(

Early Western Travels

[Vols

end to all hopes of following the mai^in of this water
course, which here was no more than forty yards wide,
ran with incredible velocity, and was withal so foam-
ingly tumultuous, that even had the opposite bank been
fit for their purpose, attempts at rafting would have
been perfect madness, as they could only have the in-
ducement of ending, in a watery grave, a series of hard-
ships and privations, to which the most hardy and de-
termined of the human race must have found himself
inadequate. They attempted to climb the mountains,
still bent on pushing on, but after ascending for half a
day, they discovered to their sorrow, that they were not
half way to the summit, and the snow already too deep
for men in their emaciated state to proceed further.

Regaining the river bank, they returned up, and on
the third day met with Mr. Hunt and party, with one
horse, proceeding downwards. A canoe was soon
made of a horse hide, and in it they transported [239]
some meat, which they could spare, to Mr. Crooks'
starving followers, who, for the first eighteen days,
after leaving the place of deposit, had subsisted on half
a meal in twenty-four hours, and in the last nine days
had eaten only one beaver, a dog, a few wild cherries,
and some old mockason soles, having travelled, during
these twenty-seven days, at least five hundred and fifty
miles. For the next four days, both parties continued
their course up the river, without any other support
than what litUe rose-buds and cherries they could find;
but here they luckily fell in with some Snake Indians,
from whom they got five horses, giving them three guns
and some other articles for the same.

Starvation had bereft J. B. Provost of his senses

i8o9-i8iiJ

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233

entirely, and on seeing the horse flesh on the opposite
side of the river, he was so agitated in crossing in a skin
canoe, that he upset it, and was unfortunately drowned.
From hence Mr. Hunt went on to a camp of Shoshon-
ies, about ninety miles above, where procuring a few
horses and a guide, he set out for the main Columbia,
across the mountains of the south west, leaving the river
where it entered the range, and on it Mr. Crooks and
five men, unable to travel. Mr. Hunt lost a Canadian,
named Carrier, by starvation, before he met the Shy-
eye-to-ga Indians, in the Columbia plains;'" from
whom, getting a supply of provisions, he soon reached
the [240] main river, which he descended in canoes, and
arrived without any further loss at Astoria in the month
of February.

Messrs. M'Kenzie, M'Clellan, and Reed, had united
their parties on the Snake River Mountains, through
which they travelled twenty one days, to the Mulpot
River, existing on an allowance by no means adequate
to the toils they underwent daily; and to the smallness
of their number (which was in all eleven) they attribute
their success in getting with life to where they found
some wild horses. They soon after reached the Forks,
called by Captains Lewis and Clarke, Koolkooske;
went down Lewis's River and the Columbia wholly by
water, without any misfortune except the upsetting, in a
rapid, of Mr. M'Clellan's canoe: and although it hap-
pened on the first day of the year, yet, by great exertion,
they dang to the canoe till the others came to their assist-

"* These Indians were probably some branch of Ibe populous SalisbaQ
family, Irving spealis of them aa "Sciatogos," and assodalei Ihem with
the ' ' Tushepaws' ' — a tribe well-known to Lewis and Clark. Apparently
tbcy were encountered near Umatilla River, in eastern Oregon, — Ed.

(

234

Karly Western Travels

[Vol. s

ance, making their escape with the loss of some rifles.
They reached Astoria early in January.

Three of the five men who remained with Mr.
Crooks, afraid of perishing by want, left him in Febru-
ary, on a small river on the road, by which Mr. Hunt
had passed, in quest of Indians, and have not since
been heard of. Mr. Crooks had followed Mr. Hunt's
track in the snow for seven [241] days; but coming to a
low prairie, he lost every appearance of a trace, and
was compelled to pass the remaining part of the winter
in mountains, subsisting sometimes on beaver and
horse meat, and the skins of those animals, and at other
times on their success in finding roots. Finally, on
the last of March, the other only Canadian being unable
to proceed, was left with a lodge of Shoshonies, and
Mr. Crooks, with John Day, finding the snow suffi-
ciently diminished, undertook, from Indian informa-
tion, to cross the last ridge, which they happily effected,
and reached the banks of the Columbia in the middle
of April ; where, in the beginning of May, they fell in
with Messrs. Stewart and Co. having been, a few days
before, stripped of every thing they possessed, by a
band of villains near the Falls. On the loth of May
they arrived safe at Astoria, the principal establishment
of the Pacific Fur Company,'" within fourteen miles of
Cape Disappointment.

" This establishment has a

:e been broken up.— BBADBUtY.

[242] No. IV
DESCRIPTION

MISSOURI TERRITORY
The Missouri Territory is bounded by the state of
Louisiana on the south, the Mississippi on the east,
the British Territory on the north, and the Rocky
Mountains and Mexico on the west. It was first dis-
covered by Sebastian Cabot, in the year 1497, and in
the year 1512 it was visited by Jolm Pontio de Leon,
a Spaniard, who attempted to form a settlement. In
1684, Monsieur de la Salle, a Frenchman, discovered
the mouth of the Mississippi, and built Fort Louis;
but being assassinated, it was again abandoned. In
the year 1698, Captain Ibljerville sailed up the Missis-
sippi, formed a settlement, and named the country
Louisiana. About twenty-two years afterwards Mon-
sieur de la Sueur also sailed up the Mississippi, and
proceeded to the distance of two thousand two hundred
and eighty miles from its mouth."'

[243] In 1762 France ceded it to Spain by a secret
treaty, and a small force was sent to take possession;
but the inhabitants not having been officially made
acquainted with the cession, refused to submit to the
dominion of that power. Some time afterwards the
Spanish government commissioned a man named

'" This should be two j^ars later, not tweniy-two; Le Sueur"! voyage
MID 1700. See WUaintin Histericai CoUecliena, xvi, pp. I77-I93. — Ed.

236

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

O'Reilly, who, at the head of three thousand men, took
possession of it, and from motives of revenge, put
several of the principal inhabitants to death. In 1800,
1801, Spain ceded it back to France, and by a treaty
of April 30th, 1803, the French government sold it to
the United States for the sum of fifteen millions of
dollars, payable in fifteen years, at one million an-
nually. The extent of country purchased for this sum
is not yet known with any considerable degree of
accuracy, but it is calculated to contain at least 1,026,-
312 square miles, or 656,839,680 acres, and it must be
remembered that for this sum not only the political
dominion, but the reversionary property in the land, was
purchased. If we suppose the money to apply to the
purchase of the land only, the cost will fall short of
i\A. per acre, or £3, 6s. 8J. sterling per square mile,
without one drop of blood being shed."*

[244] The Mississippi receives the water furnished by
almost the whole of this area, and as the extent of
country from whence it derives its water is pretty
accurately known, I shall state it, that an adequate
idea may be formed of that mighty river; previously
observing, that the name is of Indian origin, and sig-
nifies 'TAe Tttotker of ivaters."

From the extremity of the most eastern branch to

■" By the most accurate calculation, the surface of the globe
198,976,786 square miles, one-fifth of which only is land, or 39.795.357
square miles, the value of which, at £3, 61. &d. per square mile, is;£i33.65t,-
190 sterling; from whence it appears that at this price the cost af sev<ea
worlds, as large as thU we inhabit, would be only £938,558,3301!! Should
any one doubt the wisdom of Mr. JeSerson, after being acquainted with this
fad, let him enter into a calculation of the expenses incurred in tile old
mode of acquiring territory by the sword. He will soon convince
that this is a very much improved plan. — Beadbuby.

i8o9-i8ii1

Bradbury's Travels

237

that of the most western, it is one thousand six hundred
and eighty miles in a direct Une; and from the com-
mencement of the most northerly to its mouth, it is one
thousand six hundred and fifty, also in a direct line.

Amongst the immense advantages which the United
States will derive from the purchase of Louisiana, the
possession of this river is one of the greatest. The
whole territory of the United States is 1,205,635,840
acres. The following table will show that the area
dependent on the Mississippi for a communication with
the ocean, is 1,344,779 square miles, or 860,658,560
acres. The whole [245] empire of China is only esti-
mated at 800,000,000 of acres !

The area of the states or territories, or of the por-
tions of such as contribute to the waters of this river
are as follows: —

Sqr. Miles.

Missouri Territory 985,950

North-West Territory, \

53.415

Illinois Territory (the whole)

Sa,cx»

Indiana State, ^

37.050

Ohio Stale, %

3S.088

Pennsylvania, i .

16.493

New York, T-ir ■

Maryland, -^ .

140

Virginia, \

38,900

Kentucky (the whole) .

40,110

Tennessee (ditto)

43,aoo

Mississippi Territory, \

29,560

State of Orieans, i

ao,soo

Georgia, A - -

a,ooo

North Carolina, ^^ .

1,100

South CaroUna, t+j .

15a

Square miles

1.344,779

238

Early Western Travels

tVol. 5

This area is nearly twenty-eight times the extent of
England and Wales, and eleven times that of the whole
of Great Britain and Ireland.

Mr. MeUish"' made a calculation of the quantity of
water discharged by this river at its mean [246] height;
but notwithstanding his usual accuracy, I think be has
erred in this case, by taifing wrong data. In the first
place, he has made his estimate of the magnitude of
the river by considering it at its mouth, without taking
into account the great number of bayoux that have pre-
viously issued from it. Even at Orleans its magnitude
is much diminished. Amongst other bayoux that take
water from this river above that city, are bayou Chijfalie,
bayou Tunica, bayoux Manckac, La Fourcke, and
Piacqmines. In other places, any one of these five
bayoux would be considered as a great river ; but here a
comparison with their vast parent destroys their conse-
quence. It is singular that the Mississippi maintains
its full magnitude only for the length of three miles.
At that distance from the mouth of Red River issues
bayou Chiffalie.

The second error consists in not allowing sufficient
depth to the river. He assumes forty feet as the aver-
age depth from Orleans to the mouth, whereas it is
well known that at that city the depth is sixty fathoms,
or three hundred and sixty feet, and in no part from
thence to the bar at its mouth is it less than thirteen
fathoms, or seventy-eight feet. But although he has

"* John Melish was a. St^tchman who travelled extensively in the United
States after 1S07, and published a number of geographical works and
deacriptions of this country and the adjacent temlories in North America.
He died in Philadelphia in :82i.— Eo.

i8o9-i8ii] Bradbury's Travels 239

assumed the dimensions of the river at too little, he has
erred greatly in the calculation founded thereon, by
making the discharge of water five times more than his
own [247] data will produce. He considers the river
at two miles in breadth, forty feet in depth, and to run
four miles per hour. This gives, he says, 94,000,000
of gallons per second, whereas it is only 18,537,325
gallons. Perhaps about 60,000,000 of gallons per
second, at a mean state betwixt Red River and bayou
Chiffalie, may not be far from the true quantity.

The territory west of the Mississippi belonging to
the United States, and extending from that river to the
Rocky Mountains, has evidently two characters, so
distinct, as regards the external appearance, that they
cannot justly be included in one general description.
The part which ties immediately on the Mississippi,
and extends from one hundred to two hundred and
fifty miles westward from that river, has a thin covering
of timber, consisting of dumps and of scattered trees.
From the western limits of this region to the Rocky
Mountains, the whole is one vast prairie or meadow,
and.exceptingon the alluvion of the rivers, and, in afew
instances, on the sides of the small hills, is entirely
divested of trees or shrubs. The extent of this region
is not accurately known, on account of the real situation
of the Rocky Mountains not yet being truly ascer-
tained ; but it appears from the account of hunters and
travellers, that in some of our best maps and globes they
are laid down considerably [248] loo far to the east-
ward. The course of the Mississippi is nearly from
north to south, and its average longitude nearly ninety
degrees west. The coast of the Pacific, in the medium

240

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

latitude of the Mississippi from its source to its mouth,
is about one hundred and thirty degrees west, a difEer-
ence of forty degrees, making in that latitude the dis-
tance from the Mississippi to the Pacific to be two
thousand, one hundred and twenty-four miles. It is
the opinion of all whom I have consulted, and who
have crossed the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, that
from the eastern limits of that chain to the Mississippi,
the distance is at least twice as great as from the western
limit to the Pacific."" If this is admitted to be correct,
the distance from the summit of the Rocky Mountains
to the Mississippi is one thousand four hundred and
sixteen miles, from which if one hundred and fifty be
subtracted for the half breadth of the chain, and two
hundred for the woody region on the Mississippi, the
breadth of the prairie will appear to be one thousand
and sixty-six miles, and its length, from north to south,
is at least eighteen degrees of latitude, or one thousand,
two hundred and fifty-one miles.

Excepting towards the foot of the Rocky Mountains,
the whole of this extent is what is usually [249] termed
a plain, being destitute of those elevations that in other
parts appear to have resulted from convulsions. But
although the general surface corresponds almost
exactly with the convexity of the earth, the agency of
vrater has produced innumerable shallow valleys; and
of the elevated places which separate them, those
termed dividing ridges'" are the highest. From the
top of any of these ridges the limits of the visible hori-

"^ Mr. Mellish a&serts that one branch of Uie Missouri rises within four
hiindrcd and fifty miles of the Pacific Ocean.^ — Beadbuky.
■" Sec note in page Si. — Bradbury.

I809-I8II1I

Bradbury's Travels

241

zon are as exactly defined, and the view as extensive
as at sea, the undulations on the surface of the earth
here bearing no greater proportion in the scale than
the waves of an agitated ocean. The deviation from
the true curvature of the earth is much greater on the
approach to the Rocky Mountains. This gives an in-
creased velocity to the currents of water, and produces
a more powerful attrition on their beds. The conse-
quence is, the valleys in that part are deeper, and the
surface more rugged and broken.

Several geological facts tend to prove that this por-
tion of the globe has been peculiarly exempted from
the operation of local and disorganizing convulsions,
and that it has remained for a vast length of time in its
present state. The most prominent of these facts is
the undisturbed uniformity of the strata, and their
general parallelism to the surface [250] of the earth, as
exemplified in the vast stratum of iron ore on the Mis-
souri, and in the limestone rocks, wherever they occur.
The depth and extent of the valleys of the river, to-
gether with the peculiar formation of the hills, tend to
confirm the opinion, that whatever changes have taken
place on the surface have been effected by the opera-
tions of a slow, but continually acting cause.

Some of the mineral deposits are of wonderful
extent. Of these the deposit of salt on the Arkansas
River is the most remarkable. So little of this is y«t
known, that an adequate idea of its magnitude can
only be formed by taking into view the number of
rivers constantly impregnated by it, and the extent of
country from which they derive their sources. The
most southerly of the salt rivers that rise in the region.

242

Early Western Travels

[Vol-s

containing this salt deposit, is a branch of Red River,
called by the Indians Ba-iia-cha-ka, and by the French
Fouxoacheta. It is a considerable stream, and salt
rock is found on its banks. No fewer than three salt
rivers or streams flow into the Arkansas, the least of
which is fifty yards in breadth; another is seventy-five,
and the largest is one hundred and fifty yards wide.
This last is called by the Osages New-sew-kS longa,
which signifies in their language, ' ' The largest salt
river." These streams all rise in the same region, as
also does a branch of the Canadian Fork of the [251]
Arkansas, another large river mentioned by Mr. Pike,
the name of which he writes Ne-sout-che-bra-ra,*'*
which name indicates that either the water is salt, or
that salt is found in the neighbourhood.'"

It appears that this salt deposit passes under the
Arkansas to the north-west, and impregnates two
branches of the Kanzas River of the Missouri, both of
considerable magnitude. There are several salt de-
posits on our globe, of vast extent; but perhaps when

■" Foiiioacheta River 13 Uiat now known as Washita, a large affluent
of Red River, in Indian Teiritory. Bradbury derived his iaformation from
the eiplorations of Dr. John Sibley, published (iSoj) in connectiotl with
the Statistical View of Lewis and Clark,

The two names of the Arkansas affluents are derived from Pike's map,
accompanying his journals of 1805-07. The Newsewkelonga is the Cimar-
ron River (see atite, note 109). The Nesoutchebrara appears to be tlie
main fork of Canadian River, io its upper course. — Ed.

"■ As the whole of this region is the property of the Osage Indians, it may
justly be inferred that all the names of the rivers have originated with them.
It is evident that Pike wrote the name from hearing the pronounciation, aa
the Indians do not write; and had he attended to the derivation in this instance,
he would have followed the same orthography as in the former, both
derived from nt-ihu, or tiew-sew, (salt) and nes-ka, at ncs-kt, {:
would then have written it New-tew-ke-bra-ra. — Bradbitry,

i8o9-i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels

243

this deposit becomes better known, it will be found
inferior to none in point of magnitude; for if its con-
tinuity in one body is a fact, the area it covers must
amount to several thousand square miles.'*'

[252] It is worthy of notice that gypsum and clay are
found abounding with the salt of this deposit, and that
in this instance, as well as in many others, the sub-
stances which are concomitant with each other on this
continent, correspond with the order observed in other
parts of the world. Salt springs are very abundant in
other parts west of the Mississippi. The body of iron
ore on the Missouri is another instance of the magni-
tude of mineral deposits in this country. Some ac-
count of it may be seen m page loi.

From the accounts of hunters, the various indica-
tions of coal, and its frequent appearance, we may
justly conclude that no portion of the earth is more
abundant in that useful mineral than this region. It
appears in various parts, at the foot of the bluffs of the
Missouri. On the Osage River, a bed of very great
but unknown thickness shows itself. On Red River it
comes to the surface in several places, and the hunters
speak of it as being one of the most common substances
on the Little Missouri and the Roche Jaune Rivers.

The existence of silver ore about the head of the
Arkansas and Red River is believed by the [253]

*** Mr. Sibly says the extent of this salt regioD is seventy-five miles
■quBje, which gives an area of five thousand, six hundred and twenty-five
square miles. Of the degree to which the water of these salt rivers is satu-
rated, some idea may be fonned when it is stated, that in the dry seasons
the water of the Arkansas and Red Rivers are rendered vciy brackish by
them. It appears also that it is the overflowing of one of these salt rivers
that GIU the Great Lake, which is evaporated every summer, and leaves the
o meutiotied ia page \i)i, 193. — Bkadsuky.

244

E,arly Western Travels

IVol. 5

inhabitants of Upper Louisiana, and various accounts
are current amongst them of its having been discovered
there by hunters. As those rivers rise in the range of
mountains in which the mines of Santa Fe are situated,
and not far distant from them, the account is probable;
but the frequent occurrence of pyrites in America, the
deceptive appearance of that substance, and the ina-
bility of men so little acquainted with mineralogy to
discriminate, should induce great caution in admitting
the fact.'"

The part which lies betwixt this vast meadow and
the Mississippi river, it has already been stated, is of a
difierent character so far as it regards the external
appearance of the country; not merely [254] owing to
the presence of trees in that part, but the surface of
the country wears quite another aspect. The numer-
ous rivers which fall into the Mississippi in this region,
together with their various ramifications, run in deep
and comparatively narrow valleys, which give to this
country a very uneven appearance. This is a necessary
consequence of the number of small rivers that fall
immediately into the great trunk of the Mississippi.

"• In the interior ot America, spedmetis of pyrites have been often ihown
lo me as the ore of silver or gold, and I have frequently found it an unpteM-
ant task to undeceive those who were in posseision of them, as Ibey were
persuaded that they had made a valuable discovery.

Immediately after I Icfi the mouth of the Kenhawa river, I was followed
to Galliopolis by a Quaker of the name of Kenzie, who showed me some
■pccimens of whitish pyrites, which he said was silver ore, and oSeied me m
csusiderable sum of money if I would instruct him in the method of sepA-
rating the metal. I attempted to undeceive hiip. but he became mgrj,
and intimated that he knew the value of the mine too welt to be laien in
that way, and that it was no uncommon thing for Englishmen to discourage
the working of mines in America, that they might get hold of them tor
■elves. — BitADBinty.

1809-1811] Bradbury's Travels 245

The general level of its bed being at least one hundred
and fifty or two hundred feet below that of the sur-
rounding country, gives a fall of that extent to the
minor streams, besides that which is occasioned by the
natural declivity of the country, and, of course, causes
an increased velocity, and a more powerful action on
then- beds; and this effect extends to the smallest of the
collateral branches. But although this portion differs
so much from the other in its external appearance, still
there are good reasons for thinking that they differ but
little in their subterranean conformation, because many
instances occur to prove, that although the surface is
more broken and uneven, it is entirely owing to the
more powerful action of the streams. The frequent
instances of thin horizontal strata of limestone rock
appearing on both sides of a valley, corresponding in
all the circumstances of elevation, thickness, and their
component parts, prove that the hills have not been
formed by convulsions.

[255] With a few exceptions only, of isolated sand-
stone rock, the whole of this portion of the Missouri
territory that I have seen is calcareous; the rocks being
of a whitish limestone, containing organic remains in
abundance, which consist of the casts of entrockii,
anomia, Ss'c. In this particular, an exception must be
made to the rock forming the matrix of the lead in the
mine region, in which I could not find any trace of
organic remains whatever.

When the subterranean geography of this coimtry
shall become better known, it will probably be found
to be one of the most interesting in the world. Be-
sides the evidence furnished by the caves known to

246

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[Vol 5

exist io the incumbent rock, there are other facts tend-
ing to prove, that, beneath the surface, there are a
great many others, and of vast extent. A consderable
number of the minor streams are entirely lost under
ground, except in time of floods, and no place where
they re-appear can be traced out. The Merrimac and
Gasconade rivers have each a spring rising in their bed,
either of which would be sufficient of itself to form a
t:onsideraUe river; and about three hundred mites
S. S. W- of St. Louis, there is a branch of White River,
composed entirely of one spring, so copious, that I am
credibly informed a boat of thirty or forty tons burthen
might sail to the source."*

[256] In many parts of this country, there are great
numbers of what the inhabitants call *'stnk hcAes.'*
These are all of the same form, but diSer in magnitude,
some not being more than thirty yards in diameter at
the top ; others exceed two hundred. They are circular,
but diminish towards the bottom, and resemble an in-
verted hollow cone; some of the large ones are so deep,
that tall trees, growing at the bottom, cannot be seen
until we approach the brink of the cavity. I have
examined many of these sink holes, and in several have
heard the noise of water, as of a considerable stream,
nmning below the bottom of the cavity. In others,
the subterranean stream is visible, and affords evidence
that it has caused the cavity, by carrying away the
incumbent earth, which has fallen in from time to time.

*" Meramec and Gasconade rivets are affluents of the Miasouri. ID the
Mate of that name. The former signifies "catfish," in the local Indian
tongue, and Wiis frequently spelkd Maranieg. While River is
branch of the Misaissippi,

i8o9-i8ii] Bradbury's Travels 247

The abundance of nitre, generated in the caves of
this country, is a circumstance which ought not to be
passed over unnoticed. These caves are always in the
limestone rocks; and in those which produce the nitre,
the bottom is covered with earth, which is strongly im-
pregnated with it, and visible in needle-form crystals.
In order to obtain the nitre, the earth is collected and
lixiviated: the water, after being saturated, is boiled
down, and suffered to stand till the crystals are formed.
In this manner, it is no uncommon thing for three
[257] men to make one hundred pounds of salt-petre
in one day. As these caves may probably have been
the resort of vidld animals in former times, the accumu-
lation of nitre, in the first instance, is not surprising;
but that the earth, on being again spread on the bottom
of the cave, should be re-impregnated in the space of
four or five years, is not so easily accounted for: that
this is a fact, many who have been employed in making
salt-petre have assured me. In the spring of 1810,
James M'Donald of Bonhomme, and his two sons,
went to some caves on the Gasconade River to make
salt-petre, and in a few weeks returned with three
thousand pounds weight to St. Louis.

It is very probable that coal is here in great abun-
dance. About four miles west of St. Louis, a vein,
from twelve to eighteen inches in thickness, breaks out
at the edge of a creek, and is used by the blacksmiths.
In the year 1810, the grass of the prairie on the Ameri-
can Bottom, in the Illinois Territory, took fire, and
kindled the dry stump of a tree, about five miles east
of St. Louis: this stump set fire to a fine bed of coal on
which it stood, and the coal continued to bum for sev-

248

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[V0I.S

eral months, until the earth fell in and extinguished it
This bed breaks out at the bottom of the bluffs of the
Mississippi, and is about five feet in thickness: I visited
the place, and by examining the indications, [258]
found the same vein at the surface several miles dis-
tant. Near the village of St. Ferdinand, on the edge
of the Missouri, the bank is one solid bed of fine coal,
of unknown thickness, but certainly more than twenty
feet: this bed is called by the French La Charbonniire,
The lead mines of St. Genevieve'" occupy an extent
of country, the limits of which have not yet been ascer-
tained: they commence about thirty miles west of the
Mississippi, and extend west and north-west. That
which more particularly indicates the existence of lead,
is a redness of the soil, which appears to result from
the decomposition of an htematitic iron ore, found
there in great abundance, intermixed with pyrites, and
in some [259] of its states exhibiting evident proofs of
being a transition from that substance. The indi-
cations are still stronger, if this earth contain sulphate
of barytes, crystalized carbonate of lime, and aggre-
gated crystals of quartz. All these are in some parts

"' It was the discovery of these lead mines that gave rise to the famout
Mississippi scheme, projected by Law in 1719, which ruined hundreds of
families in France. It was then supposed that it was a silver mine; and
although the bubble burst immediately, it is surprising (hat Du Pratz, who
wrote thirty-nine years afterwards, should stilt persist in the error. He not
only lays down a silver mine on the Maramcg in his map of Louisiana, but
mentions it in his description. The Marameg is now called the Minamaci
on a brancli of which, called the Negro Fork, the mines of St. Genevieve
are situated. Du Prau sa}% "The mine of Marameg, which is silver. Is
pretty near the confluence of the river which gives it name; which is a great
advantage to those who would work it, because they might easily, by that
means, have their goods from Europe. It is situate about five bundled
leagues from the sea.' ' — Bkadbuky,

i8oc)-i8ii] Bradbury's Travels 249

very abundant, and generally of a red colour, probably
occasioned by the oxide of iron contained in the soil.'**

These mines have been worked since about the year
1725, and until of late the ore has not been sought for
in the rock, but has been found in the earth in de-
tached lumps, intermixed with the substances above
mentioned. The workmen employed, have no other
implements than a pick-axe and a wooden shovel, and
when at work, appear as if employed in making Ian
pits, rather than in mining. When they come to the
rock, or to such a depth that it is no longer convenient
to throw the dirt out of the hole, they quit, and perhaps
commence a new digging, as they term it, within a few
feet of that which they have previously abandoned.
Each digger works separately for himself, and sells the
ore to the proprietor of the soil, at two dollars per
hundred pounds. It is evident from the nature of the
employment, that the gain to the diggers must be very
precarious, but in general they appear to live com-
fortably. They are almost all Creole French who are
[260] employed, and if I may judge from a single m-
stance, retain as much fondness for showy dress as the
most foppish of their ancestors."'

The proprietors who buy the ore, cause it to be

"' On the early hislory of these mines, see Thwailes, "Notes on Early
Lead Mining," Wiscmisin Bistaricai CoUeclims, riii, pp. I7i-»9i; or the
revision Ihercof, "Early Lend Mining on the Upper Mississippi," in Bow
George Rogers Clark won the Norlkwtsl, elc. (Chicago, 1903). — Ed.

"* On & Saturday evening I arrived at the mine Belle Fontaine, and
employed myself until night in examining the substances thrown out by the
Hggers, and found the most interesting spedmens amongst the refuse of one
man, who, on that account, 1 paru'cutajly noticed. On the following morn-
ing 1 met him in the village, dressed in a white gown, with red slippers, and
a blue silk waistcoat, embroidered with silver lace. — Bxadbtby.

250

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smelted in furnaces constructed of two parallel walls,
one about eight, the other four, feet high, and three
and a half asunder: these are joined by two sloping side
walls, and into this inclosed area the fuel and ore are
thrown. In this way they obtain from sixty to seventy
per cent of lead : the ore is said to contain eighty.

The mines belong to a number of proprietors, and
are mostly held by grants from the Spanish governors
who formerly resided at St. Louis, and are worked with
more or less spirit, as the ore happens to be abundant
or otherwise, for the workmen quit one digging without
ceremony, when they hear of better success at another.
The profits of the proprietors are commensurate with
the quantity of ore raised on their property : therefore,
[261] when the diggings become less productive than
usual, they make trials on difEerent parts of their land,
to discover where the ore is more abundant, that the
diggers may be induced to remain with them. These
trials consist in nothing more than digging a hole in
some part of the woods, to the depth of three or four
feet, and judging by the quantity of ore (galena) what
degree of success may be expected.

A little time before I visited Rlchwood mines, the
property of Monsieur Lebaume, of St. Louis, he had
made forty trials, by simply d^ging holes, not more
than four feet deep, in places remote from each other,
on his land. In thirty-eight of these he found ore, and
from one hole more than half a hundred weight was
raised. This gentleman owns a square league.'"

"° Louis Labaume de TateroD came lo St. Louis under the Spanish
reginie, and acted as secretary for Governor Tnideau. In accordance with

democratic principles he dropped the aristocj^lic preposition "de," being

1809-1811] Bradbury's Travels 251

As soon as any particular district is found so abun-
dant as to warrant a furnace to be erected near it, they
give it a name. Whilst I was at St. Louis, one of
these places was discovered, and named Mine au Shib-
boleth, from which, I was credibly informed, four mil-
lions of pounds weight of ore was raised in the manner
I have described, in one summer. The diggings
which I visited were Mine au Burton, Mine Belle Fon-
taine, Rich-wood Mines, Old Diggings, New Diggings,
and Elliot's [262] Diggings. Some of these diggings
are ten or twelve miles distant from each other. Mine
la Motte, on the waters of the river St. Francis, is thirty
or forty miles south of all the rest. Some of these
mines have fallen into the hands of Americans, who
have ventured to penetrate the rock, which is always
found at a depth of from six to twelve feet below the
surface, and have been amply rewarded for their
enterprize.

I remained a few days with Mr. Elliot, who at that
time had only just commenced on the rock, but had
the most promising prospects of success. He had
raised a considerable quantity of ore, and many tons of
blende, and with the last had repaired the road to his
works, not knowing what substance it was. Mr. Moses
Austin, proprietor of Mine au Burton, had been very
successful, having found large masses of ore in the
caves of the rock into which he had penetrated.'"

known as Louis Tateron Labaume. After the transfer of Upper Jjjuiai ana
to Ihe United States (March 9, iB04), he was mode judge of the court of
common pleas, and Colonel of militia. A man of fortune and ability, he
was one of the prominent dtiiens ot early St. Louis. — Ed,

'" Moses Austin was the Texan pioneer for whom the capital ot that
•tate was named. Born in Connecticut, Austin came west in 1758 and for a

252

Early Western Travels

[Vol. 5

At the New Diggings a great deal had been raised
out of the rock, and a considerable quantity was lying
on the bank in very large lumps. — When I visited that
place, they were impeded by water, and had no better
means of getting rid of it, than those which buckets,
raised by a windlass, afforded. I was prevented from
descending by the quantity of water then in the mine.

[263] Although the district of country which con-
tains the present diggings is considered as comprising
the mines, I am of opinion that the lead extends to a
very great distance beyond those limits. I have seen
aU the indications on the upper part of the Mirramac
River, fifty or sixty miles west of the present workings,
and still further to the northward, at the mouth of the
Gasconade, on the Missouri. It is supposed by some
that it extends to the mines belonging to the Saukee
and Fox nations of Indians, which are situated on the
Mississippi, six hundred miles above St. Louis. —
These mines are known to extend over a space of
eighty miles in length, and nine miles in breadth."*

number of fears engaged in lead-nuiling. About 1810 he obtained a con-
cession from the Spanish authorities to plant a colony in Texas. Upon his
return to Missouri to secure emigrants, he was deserted by his party and
robbed on the road, from the effects of which he died in 1831. Hii son
Stephen founded the colony that his father had planned. — Ed.

"* These mines are of great value to the Saukee and Fox nations. As tbe
game on the lands which they claim is nearly destroyed, they have therefore
been compelled to commence the business of mining or rather digging. The
ore is raised by the men, but the operation of smelting is done by the squaws.
The method by which they extract the metal was described to me by Mr.
Prior, who was of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke's party, and who traded with
these Indians for lead. They first dig a deep cavity in the ground, near &
perpendicular bank of the Misussippi, and from the (ace of the bank make
a horizontal hole to meet the bottom of il. A quantity of dry wood is tttcn
thrown into the cavity, and set fire to, after which the ore is ibrxjwn in, and

j8o9-i8ii] Bradbury's Travels 253

[264] Some of the isolated and sand-stone rocks in
this territory, alluded to, are remarkable for their
purity, being so white as to exactly resemble the purest
lump sugar. These would furnish an excellent ma-
terial for the manufacture of glass.

[265] About five miles west of Herculaneum, which
is situated on the Mississippi, thu^y miles below
St. Louis, there is a limestone rock, about a quarter
of a mile in length, and in some parts forty or fifty feet
high. This rock is so completely perforated in almost
every part as to resemble a honey-comb, and the per-
forations are from one-eighth to three-quarters of an

the supply of both ronlinued. The mclal runs oul at the horizontal open-
ing, and ii received in holes made by the Indians with [heir heels in the sand
of the river. In this state it is bought by the traders from Sl. Louis, who
afterwards cast it into pigs ia their own moulds. Formerly, these Indians
gave permission to a person of IhenaineoE Dubuque to dig lead: be resided
M their village, being much respected by them, and acquired some property,
the management of which, after his death, fell into the hands of Augustus
Choutou, of St. Louis, who in iSio advertised for sale Dubuque's property
In the miocs, or his right of digging lead. It was bought by Colonel Smith,
the proprietor of Mine BcUt Fontaine, and Mr. Moorhead, of St. Louis,
tor about three thousand dollars. They ascended the Mississippi with an
armed party, to lake possessioD, but were rougbly bandied by the Indians,
and happy in having escaped with their lives. The Indians immediately
afterwards called a couocil, and being fearful of giving offence to the Ameri-
can govenmient, sent deputies to St. Louis, to plead their cause before
Governor Howarti and CeneraJ Clarke, who performed their mission with
great ability; firsl disclaiming any intention to continue the grant beyond
the life of Dubuque, and, secondly, any wish to offend the government of
the United States, by driving away Smith and Moorhead. They next
■tated, that when the Grtat Spirit gave the land to the Red Men, their ances-
tors, he foresaw that the White Men would come into the country, and that
the game would be destroyed; therefore, oul of his great goodness, he put
lead into the ground, that they, their wives and children, might continue
to exist ; they lastly appealed lo the justice of their Great Father, the President
of the United States. Goveroor Howard and General Clarke approved of
their conduct, and assured them of the protection of the government. —

BEADBD&y.

254

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

inch in diameter. It has exactly the appearance of
marine rocks, perforated by mytUus lUkophagus, or
rugosus.

Fossil bones have been dug up in various places in
Upper Louisiana. At a salt lick, about three miles
from the Mirramac River, and twelve from St. Louis,
several bones have been discovered, evidently belong-
ing to the same species of mammoth as those found on
the Ohio, and in Orange County, state of New York.
I have frequently been infonned of a place on Osage
River, where there is an abundance of bones of great
magnitude. Genera! Clarke'*" showed me a tooth
brought from the interior: it was a grinder, and be-
longed to the animal mentioned by Cuvier, called by
him masto dont€, avec dents carris.

The general character of this country is that of
prairie, with scattered trees and interspersed clumps.
On the summits of the ridges, the timber is genergjly
red cedar (juniperus virginiana), [266] on the prairie,
post oak (quercus obtusUoba), black jack {<iuercus
nigra), black walnut (juglans mgra), and shell bark

'■ General William Clark, the well-known explorer, was bom in Vir-
ginia, August 1, 1770. While yet a lad, bis [atber's family removed to Ken-
tucky, where they had a plantatioD nol tar tram Louisville, named "Mul-
berry Hill." William Clark campaigned with ScotI in 1791, and joining
the regular aimy served as lieutenant in the 4th sub-legion, under Wayne,
1793-95. After the treaty of Greenville, he resigned from the army and
was engaged in private business until invited by Lewis to accompany him
on the expedition to the Pacific (1804-06). Early in 1807 Claik wa* com-
missioned brigadier-gEneral of the Louisiana militia, and Indian agent for
the same territory. From that lime, he made his home in St. Ixiuis. From
1813 to i8ao, he was governor of Missouri Territory. After the admission
of the latter as a state, General Clark was appointed (iSai) superiotendeDt
of Indian aSsirs for all the Western territory, which office he held until hla
death al St. Louis, September r, 1838. — Ed.

i8o9-i8ii

Bradbury's Travels

^SS

hickory (juglans squamosa). The alluvion of the
rivers contains a greater variety, of which the principal
are — cotton wood {populus angulosa), sycamore (pla-
ianus occidentalis), over-cup oak {quercus macrocarpa),
nettle tree, or hackberry (celtis crassifolia), hoop ash
(celtis occidentalis), honey locust (gledilsta Iriacantkos),
black locust (robinia pseudacacia), coffee tree (guilan-
dina dioica), peccan {juglans olivtBJormis), and many
of the trees common in the states east of the Alle-
ghanies.'"

The soil is generally excellent, being for the most
part black loam, and is tilled without much trouble.

The climate is very fine: the spring commences
about the middle of March in the neighbourhood of
St. Louis, at which time the willow (salix), the elm
(ulmus Americana), and maples (acer rubrum and
saccharinum) are in flower. The spring rains usujdiy
occur in May, after which tnonth the weather con-
tinues fine, almost without interruption, until Septem-
ber, when rain again [267] occurs about the equinox,
after which it remains again fine serene weather until
near Christmas, when the winter commences. About
the beginning or middle of October the Indian sum-
mer'*" begins, which is immediately known by the
change that takes place in the atmosphere, as it now
becomes hazy, or what they term smoky. This gives
to the sun a red appearance, and takes away the glare
of light, so that all the day, except a few hours about

"• Indians begin lo provide tor Ihe winter when this state of the weather
coauaeDces, as tbey know il will soon appro&ch. — Bbadbuby.

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F.arly Western Travels

[Vol.s

noon, it may be looked at with the naked eye without
pain: the air is perfectly quiescent and all is stillness,
as if nature, after her exertions during the summer,
was now at rest. The winters are sharp, but it may
be remarked that less snow falls, and they are much
more moderate on the west than on the east side of the
Alleghanies in similar latitudes.

The wild productions of the Missouri Territory, such
as fruits, nuts, and berries, are numerous: of these the
summer grape (v»fis msHvalts) appears to be the most
valuable, as the French have made a considerable
quantity of wine from it by collecting the wild fruit.'**
This species grows in abundance [268] on the prairies,
and produces a profusion of fine bunches. The winter
grape (vitis vulpinum) is remarkable for the large size
of its vine, which climbs to the lops of the highest trees,
and takes such full possession of their tops, that after
the fall of the leaf, the tree to which it has attached
itself seems to be loaded with fruit. The vine at the
bottom is commonly six or eight inches in diameter.
I measured one near the Muramac River, that was
thirty-seven inches in circumference near the ground,
after which it divided into three branches, each branch
taking possession of a tree. The fruit is very good
after the frosts have commenced. Another fruit found
here is the persimon (dyospyros virginiana), which
in appearance resembles a plum, excepting that the
permanent calyx of the flower remains. It is so astrin-

'* Mr. James Beiry, with whom I resided, about four miles from St.
Louis, told me that be made eight quarts of wine from the gispes of one ot
these vines, which ran up a small tree, about 150 yards from hii house. —
Bbadbubv.

I809-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

^S7

gent until ameliorated by the frosts, that on being
eaten, it draws up the mouth, and when swallowed,
contracts the throat in such a manner as to cause a
sensation simUar to that of choking.

The papaw {anona triloba) is found in plenty on
the alluvion of the rivers. The fruit is of the magni-
tude and shape of a middling sized cucumber, and
grows in dusters of three, four, or five [269] together:
when ripe the pulp is of the consistence of a custard,
and is very agreeable to some palates; but the hogs will
not touch them. Strawberries are in vast abundance
on the prairies, and are very fine. The pecan, or Illi-
nois nut, is a kind of walnut, but very different from
all the other species, both in the form and texture of its
shell, which is so thin as to be cracked between the
teeth with the greatest ease. It is of an oblong
form, and from that circumstance the tree which pro-
duces it has obtained the name of juglans oliv/BJormis.
There are several other species of hickory and walnut,
which yield nuts in great abundance. These, together
with acorns from the various species of oak, furnish
abundance of food for hogs.

The quadrupeds found in parts inhabited by the
whites, of which the flesh is eaten, are bear, deer, hares,
racoon, opposum, and a variety of squirrels. With
bear, deer, and turkeys, the town of St. Louis is fre-
quently supplied by a tribe of the Shawanee nation of
Indians, who live about seventy miles west of that
place. They usually charge a quarter of a dollar for a
turkey or a quarter of venison.

It is necessary to observe that Upper Louisiana was
settled from Canada, not by way of Orleans, but by

»58

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

proceeding along the Lakes, and descending the Illi-
nois or Miami rivers, and may be considered [270] as
a distinct colony, the history of which, so far as may
be gathered from themselves, does not present those
horrid examples of treachery and injustice to the In-
dians, which will for ever disgrace the memory of
those who first formed the lower settlement. The con-
sequence has been, that although individual acts of
injustice or aggression, committed against the Indians,
have met with due and appropriate punishment, yet
no general act has been committed of a nature so atro-
cious as to provoke general extermination; a thing
extremely easy to have been effected by the Indians in
the early part of the settlement, as there were several
powerful tribes in their vicinity. The inhabitants of
Kaskaskias say that it was coeval with Philadelphia,
and the common term for Vincennes, (Old Post) shows
that it must have been one of the first settlements, if
not the first. Both these are on the east side of the
Mississippi, as also are Cahokia and the small settle-
ment of Prairie du Roche. Besides these four, on the
west side, there were five villages originally settled,
each of which, besides its proper name, has a nick-
name given to it. St. Genevieve is Mis^re; Caron-
dolet, Vuide Poche; St. Louis, Pain Court; St. Ferdi-
nand, Florissanle; and St. Charles, Petit Cote. These
nine villages were scattered some more than a hundred
miles distant from each other, and no two of them were
so situated as to be capable of rendering mutual aid, in
case of [271] attack from the Indians, and for more
than sixty years five of them existed, isolated in a w

i8o9-i8j

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259

demess, six hundred miles at least from any other
white settlers.'"

The villages were regularly laid out in squares of
three hundred feet on each side, the houses standing
towards the streets, and the interior of the area com-
posed of gardens and orchards. To each of these vil-
lages was appropriated a large space of ground, fenced
in the form of a parallelogram. In this space allot-
ments are laid out, correspondent in number and rela-
tive magnitude with the town lots. These allotments
extend the whole length of the field; but their magni-
tude is determined by the breadth, which is marked on
one of the fences, being once, or once and a half, or
twice, &c. the length of the side of a square arpent of
land. In the common field belonging to Carondolet,
these narrow stripes are more than a mile and a half in
length. Besides the appropriation of land for culti-
vation, an extensive tract was laid out for each town as
a forest, or demesne, from which each individual cuts
what wood he thinks proper. All these appropriations
have been ratified by the commissioners appointed to
examine into claims by the government of the United
States, since the cession of Louisiana. The French,
who are the descendants of the first settlers, are
very indolent, and so [272] much attached to the
manners of their ancestors, and even to their prac-
tices in husbandry, that although they see their

'" For the founding and early history of Vincenncs, see Croghan's
Journals, vol. i of this series, p. 141, note 113. This was known as "O
post," not "Old Post," from the French "au poate" (at the fort). For
Easkaskia, Cahokia, Prairie du Rocher, and St. Louis see Andrf Michaux's
Jownali, vol, iii of our series, notes 131, ijj, 135, 13S. — Ed.

26o

Early Western Travels

EVoI. 5

American neighbours, by the application of improved
implements and methods, able to cultivate double
the quantity of ground in the same time, nothing
can induce them to abandon their old practices:
and if any one attempts to reason with them on the
subject, their constant reply is, " As it was good enough
for our forefathers, it is good enough for us;" whence
it appears that even veneration for ancestry may be-
come an evil. They cultivate maize, wheat, oats, bar-
ley, beans (phaseolus), pumpkins, water and musk
melons, and tobacco and cotton for their own use.
Apples and peaches are very fine: the former are
abundant, and do not require to be engrafted. They
pay great attention to gardening, and have a good
assortment of roots and vegetables. Notwithstanding
their want of industry, there is an appearance of com-
fort and independence in their villages, as, from the
richness of the soil, and fineness of the climate, the
labours attendant on agriculture, and attention neces-
sary to their cattle, are comparatively trivial. They
have abimdance of horses, cows, and hogs, all of which
run at large on the prairies, as they have no inclosures
but for the purpose of agriculture. They mow a litde
grass on the prairie, which they make into hay, and
give it to their horses and cattle when the ground is
covered [273] with snow: at other times they leave
them to provide for themselves. The hogs live on
strawberries, hazle and hickory nuts, acoms and roots,
and must be occasionally sought for in the woods, to
prevent them from becoming entirely wild. On these
occasions, the proprietor fills his saddle bags with the
ears of Indian com, with which he mounts his horse,

iSog-iSii]

Bradbury's Travels

261

generally with his rifle on his shoulder. If he finds
them within three or four miles of his house, he thinks
himself fortunate ; but it sometimes happens that he is
two days in "hunting them up," as they term it.
When he finds them, he throws down an ear of com,
which they devour, and he rides gently towards home,
with the whole herd screaming after him. When they
are almost inclined to give up the chase, he throws
down another ear, which practice he continues until
he brings them into his yard, where he shuts them up,
and feeds them. Here they remain until the morning,
when he again feeds them, marks the young pigs, sets
them at liberty, and probably does not see them again
for a fortnight or three weeks. That each planter may
identify his own hogs, he marks them in the ear, and
in each township an office is established, in which
these marks are registered. They are either holes or
slits, or both, differently arranged, so that no two
marks are alike; and it is against the laws of the terri-
tory to expose the [274] carcass of a hog for sale without
having the ears upon it.

St. Louis, the capital of this territory, is very pleas-
antly situated on the Mississippi, about eighteen miles
below the mouth of the Missouri, in latitude 38° 5' and
longitude 89° 55' W. It has a decided advantage over
any of the other towns, on account of its being situated
on a rock, but little elevated above the high floods of
the river, and immediately on its border. Such situ-
ations are very rare, as the Mississippi is almost univer-
sally bounded either by high perpendicular rocks or
loose alluvial soil; the latter of which is in continual
danger of being washed away by the annual floods,

262

Early Western Travels

[Vol.s

to such an extent that a whole plantation, situated on
the border of the river, has been known to have been
swept away during one flood. Fort Chartres, erected
at a vast expence by the French government, on the
border of the river, prior to the cession of Louisiana in
1763, is now almost entirely swept away."' The fur
trade of the Mississippi and the Missouri, together
with that of the tributary streams, almost wholly cen-
ters in this town ; and after the return of Messrs. Lewis
and Clarke from the Pacific Ocean, a fur company was
formed, for the purpose of trading with the nations on
the head waters of the Missouri, which, from a variety
of [275] untoward events, but principally from the hos-
tile and bloody disposition of the Indians, has mis-
carried.'"

There is no part of the western country that holds
out greater advantages to the new settler than the Mis-
souri Territory. It is inferior to no part in point of
soil or climate, and has a decided advantage over the
country on the Ohio, as the transit to Orleans may be
made at any season of the year, whereas the Ohio is
not navigable during the months of August, September,
and October. It is also from six hundred to a thousand
miles nearer to that city than the upper part of the
Ohio. Opportunities of purchasmg settlements, or

" For the history of Fort Chartres, sec Andrf Michauz's Travdi, vol.

3. p. 71,

■ 136.— Et).

"* The Missouri Fur Company was fonned at St. Louis early in tSog;
WQliam Clark, Reuben Lewis, Manuel Lisa, the Chouteau brothers, and
Andrew Henry were the leading partoers. For the disasters brought upon
the trading parties by hostile Indians, see details in Chittenden, American
Pur Trade, pp. 137-15S. The company maintained an existence under
various managements until 1830. — Ed.

i8o9-i8iii| Bradbury's Travels 263

plantations already fonned, are very frequent, and at
very moderate terms, as the rage of retiring back pre-
vails here in as great a degree as in the other new
countries. Wild land, as it is here called, may either
be had from the government of the United States, or
from the old French inhabitants, several of whom
possess very large tracts, obtained by grants from the
Spanish governors. The titles of these lands are now
undoubted, as they have been ratified by the commis-
sioners appointed by the government of the United
States to examine into claims. The price of land is
various, but may frequently be obtained on better
terms from the land owners than from the government,
or for less than two dollars per acre. [276] In the
reclaiming of wild land, or the forming of a plantation
from a state of nature, the trouble and labour is much
less than in clearing a forest, as here the trees are not
more abundant on the upland than would be necessary
for fuel and for fences. They naturally stand at a
sufficient distance from each other to admit a fine
undergrowth of grass and herbage. This country, as
well as the western region, will reap incalculable benefit
from the application of steam boats on the Mississippi.
Of these a great many are now building in the different
ports of the Ohio. This mode of conveyance will also
be much facilitated by the abundance of excellent coal
so universally spread over these regions.

It is necessary to observe, that what has been stated
relative to the climate, duration of winter, agriculture,
&c. &c. relates more particularly to the region in-
cluded betwixt the mouths of the Ohio and Missouri,
or from thirty-seven to thirty-nine Jind a half degrees

264 Early Western Travels [Vol. 5

of latitude; but this territory extends from twenty-nine
to fifty degrees, and therefore proper allowances must
be made for the differences of latitude. In an agricul-
tural point of view, it may be divided into three regions,
suitable for the culture of as many great staple articles,
viz. sugar, cotton, and com. The sugar region reaches
from the coast to latitude thirty-one [277] or thirty-one
and a half degrees. The culture of sugar only com-
menced about fifteen years ago, and until of late has
been confined to the alluvion of the Mississippi; but
there is an extensive tract, suitable for that culture,
lying west of that river, and reaching to the Sabine
river, comprehending the countries of the Oppelousas
and Atacapas, which is now settling fast, and in point
of soil can scarcely be equalled. In the year 1811,
some of the plantations on the Mississippi produced as
much as five hundred hogsheads of sugar; and the cul-
tivation is rapidly increasing, as many of the planters
have already made immense fortunes.

The region proper for the cultivation of cotton, and
too cold for that of the sugar-cane, extends from
thirty-one and a half to about thirty-six degrees of lati-
tude : the species cultivated is gossypium annuum. It
will grow many degrees north of thirty-six; but it will
not yield a sufficient crop, nor is the cotton so good,
for the following reasons: — of the pods containing the
cotton, the terminal pods of the principal branches are
the first ripe: the next in succession are those of the
secondary branches, which are followed by those of the
tertiary ones, &c. &c. ; but in each successive genera-
tion, the number is increased in something like the
ratio of a geometrical progression. In the northerly

1809-1811] Bradbury's Travels 265

part of the cotton region, the winter [278] comes on
before the cotton in the pods on the lateral branches is
ripe, and a great portion of the crop is destroyed,
which a few degrees further south would have ripened.
But the avarice of some planters prompts them to con-
tinue the gathering of their crops too long, and the
quality of their cotton is deteriorated thereby, as the
sun is too feeble to give the last part of their crop suffi-
cient strength. The culture of the cotton plant is not
attended with much trouble. The seeds are planted
from three to three and a half feet asunder; and after
the plants have acquired a little strength, they are
weeded and earthed up: no further care is required
until the gathering of the pods commences. The cotton
is then separated from the seeds by a machine, called
the saw gin.^^"

'" From observation I am led to believe that the staple of cotton is some-
times injured !□ the gin; and as this machine is now univeraalty used to
separate the cotton from the seed, I sbalE describe it. The saws are drcular,
about six or eight inches in diameter; they arc made of thin steel plates, and
are toothed like those used for cutting wood, excepting that they make a more
acute angle with the radii. Twenty-four, thirty, thirty-six, or more of these
saws are placed on an iron shaft, at about one inch asunder. This shaft is
fixed in a frame, three feet, or three feet six inches high, and parallel to it
Is placed a trough, not unlike a. manger. One aide of the trough is com-
posed of thin plates of iron, exceeding in number that of the saws by one.
This admits one of these plates betwixt each two saws, and tbey are so near
each other as barely to admit the saw to pass between them. A fourth part
of the saw works within the (rough. Beneath the saws a cyUndrical brush
turns the same way, but with greater velocity. On the end of the shaft on
which the saws are, there h a fast and loose pulley for driving the machine,
with a belt for stopping it at pleasure. When the gin is intended to be set
to work, a quantity of cotton, as taken from the pods, is thrown into the
trough, and the belt is put on the fast pulley. The laws, in passing through
the troughs, continue to load their teeth with cotton, which is instantly
thrown ofi by the brush, and in a few minutes nothing remains in the trough
but bare seeds. The management of this gin is mostly committed to negroes.

z66

Early Western Travels

[Vol.5

[279] As there are public gins established almost in
every part, to which a planter may take his cotton, and
have it cleaned and packed on moderate terms, it is in
the power of a poor man to turn cotton-planter; and if
he has a numerous family, so much the better, as
females, and even children, can be employed in gath-
ering the pods, and in taking the cotton from them.
If he settles on wild land, he can enter upon the culture
of cotton with more facility than on any other crop, as
the ground requires less preparation.

This part of Louisiana as yet contains but very few
white settlers, although, for the most part, the [280]
soil is excellent, and the climate charming. Two very
large rivers. Red River and the Arkansas, enter the
Mississippi in this region, and run their whole course
through it: they are both navigable to the confines of
the internal provinces of New Mexico, and furnish to
those parts the best means of communication with the
ocean. Of these means, when Mexico shall break its
chain, it will a\ail itself, and this will become one of the
richest and most valuable parts of the United States.

In an agricultural point of view, the vast tract of
prairie extending through all these regions, is an im-
portant object of consideration. Amongst intelligent
Americans, the question of — whether it can or cannot
be peopled by civDized man ? has often been agitated.
Accustomed, as they are, to a profusion of timber, for
buildings, fuel, and fences, they are not aware of the

who, aiudous 10 finish their task, drive the machine with too great veiodty,
by which, I conceive, not only the staple of the cotton is injured, hut the
green lumps, which arc la fad the abortive seeds, are broken, and carried
through along with the cotton. From this cause, in a great measure, arise*
the difference of quality of cotton from the same plantation. — BsADBtny.

1809-1811] Bradbury's Travels 267

small quantity of that article that may be dispensed
with, in a country abounding in another substance for
fuel; nor can they conceive, that fences, and even
buildings, may be constructed with the application of
a very small portion of timber. Under these impres-
sions, the belief in America is, that the prairie cannot
be inhabited by the whites; even Mr. Brackenridge
says it cannot be cultivated. My own opinion is, that
it can be cultivated ; and that, in process of time, it will
not only be peopled and [281] cultivated, but that it
will be one of the most beautiful countries in the world.
If I may be permitted to judge from travelling nearly
five hundred miles through it, I must pronounce the
soil to be excellent, and in almost every part where I
saw it in a state of nature, it was covered with the
finest verdure imaginable. The stratum immediately
below the vegetable soil is almost universally a very
tenacious clay, and extremely well calculated to form a
material for brick, or, in the first instance, for such
habitations as are made in Ireland, many of which are
very comfortable. In time timber would be raised ; for
to suppose it would not grow there because it does not,
would be absurd. Whenever this region shall com-
mence to be peopled, the first settlements will be made
at the edge of the woody region, or on the borders of
the rivers, where a little timber may be found, and
probably the first wave in the tide of population will
be formed of shepherds and herdsmen. The tacit
compact mutually binding betwixt man and the animals
he domesticates, implies a duty connected with an in-
terest to both parties. Man furnishes to them food
and protection, and enables them to pass a few years

26S

Karly Western Travels

[Vol.5

of comfortable existence: they repay him with their
lives or their services. In all cases, the domestication
of animals is of the most value to man in those parts
where he can perform his duty to them at the least
expense [282] to himself. In no part of the world can
it be done with less trouble than in the southern part of
this region. A convincing proof of this is, that here
domesticated animals have dissolved the contract, and
that thousands and tens of thousands of their descend-
ants still maintain their independence. If, besides
yielding food and protection to herbivorous animals,
other means of reducing them to a state of dependence
on man could not be found, domestication without in-
closures (which imply coercion) would be in these parts
impracticable, because food is at all times in abun-
dance, and the want of protection would be obviated by
an association in numbers. But salt furnishes those
means, by the aid of which the shepherd or the herds-
man obtains a complete dominion over the will of his
flock or his herds, and in the midst of this vast region
can call them round him at his pleasure.'"

[283] I shall close this article by a few observations
on the state of this country before it was transferred to

"' In B fEitile country, and when not circumscribed by fences, there ii a
continued tendency in animals to return to the state of nature. Be^dea
the accounts of others tending to prove this, I had evidence of it in mf
hone, on the prairie near St. Louis, in the summer of iSio. He w&auiuslljr
remarlLably docile, and although there was not a single fence to obstruct hb
passage to the Pacific Ocean, he was easily caught when often nantpd: but
during the time I was attacked by the ague, sometimes be was not sought
for during a fortnight. At those times he would let no one come near him,
and showed an utter contempt for com, when offered to him; but a display
of salt was at all times a temptation too great to be resisted, And he quietlr
resigned his liberty. — Bradbuky.

1809-1811] Bradbury's Travels 269

the United States, and of the immense value and im-
portance it is to that government. If a person who
visited this country, and witnessed its fertility, did not
at the same time witness the want of industry and enter-
prize in the descendents of the old inhabitants, he
would be surprised that its advancement towards im-
provement has been so slow. But besides this, the
political circumstances under which it has been placed,
have been such as to preclude any possibility of pros-
perity; as the very nature and design of the principles
by which it was governed, whilst under the dominion
of Spain, was to prevent it. The invariable policy of
that government, as regards her colonies, is to prevent,
as much as possible, all intercourse betwixt them and
other nations; and anxious only to raise immediate
revenue, it is in the continued habit of sacrificing
futurity to the present. The governors were petty
tyrants, who considered their situations as the means
only of aggrandizing themselves; to which, as well as
the interest of the province, that of the Spanish govern-
ment, must always give way. Anxious only to enrich
themselves, and vested with almost unlimited power,
the interest or prosperity of the colony was an object
of very remote consideration. The most depressing
regulations were made to shackle the internal trade of
[284] the country; no man could sell the smallest article,
not even a row of pins, without a licence, and those
licences were sold at the most extravagant rates. A
stranger coming into the province, and offering goods
at a fair price, was certain to be sent to prison, and to
have his goods confiscated. All favours from these
governors, all grants of land, or even common privi-

270 Early JVestem Travels [Vol 5

leges, could only be obtained by bribery. Some of the
governors, not satisfied with the fruit of their rapacious
exactions on the province, were guilty of the most
shameful acts of villany towards their own govern-
ment. A little above St. Louis stands a small trian-
gular fort, which, I was assured by one of the old set-
tlers, was built by the inhabitants without one shilling
of expense to the governor; who rewarded some by
grants of land, and others by certain privileges; and,
for building this fort, a bill was sent to the Spanish
government to a large amount, which was paid.'"

[285] Under so detestable a system of government the
energies of man must for ever remain dormant, and the
most fertile regions eternally unproductive to the world.

The political and commercial advantages that will
arise to the United States from the acquisition of Louisi-

•^ Schulti relates the following anecdote in his travels, which proves
thai the above instance is not a solitary one :—

"At the lower end of the town of St, Genevieve, the remains of a Spanish
fort are still to be seen, which, being erected on an eminence, corresponded
with that of KaskaskJas by signals.

"It seems after the fort was completed, the commandant had to wait
upon the govemor of the province to present his charges. They were
accordingly presented, and amounted to four hundred and twenty-one
dollara. The govemor, after examining the actount, returned it to the
commandant, informing him there was some mistake. The commandant
retired and elamined it again; but finding it entirely correct, presented it
once more. The govemor, on looking it^over, informed him it was still
incorrect, and advised him to consult with some friend, as he had omitted
a figure or two. The commandant then called upon a friend lo look over
his accounts with him, who no sooner saw the amount than he burst into a
loud laugh, and taking up a pen, added an a to the sum already stated. The
commandant presented bis accounts a third time, when hia excellency replied
that it was ivot quite right yet. The commandant was amaJKd: but what
was bis astonishment, when he related the affair to his friend, to see him add
another o to the last sum, making it 41,100 instead of 421 1 On presenting
the account the fourth time, it was graciously received, and for the dischaip
of the whole a very small part was paid to the commandant." — Bbadbhsv.

i8o9-i8ii]

Bradbury's Traiiels

271

ana are incalculable; besides the vast revenue that will
arise from the sale of lands. The exclusive right to the
Mississippi river is an object of the highest importance.
The acquisition of the sugar region alone would have
sufficiently indemnified the American government.
But without considering the positive advantages that
will arise to the United States from the possession of
Louisiana, the evils that might, and would have arisen
[286] from its being in the possession of another power,
which could have maintained the dominion of the
Mississippi, are also incalculable. The most promi-
nent of these evils would have been the separation of
the States west of the Alleghanies from the Union, as,
without the free navigation of the Mississippi, the
products of their fertile soil must have perished on
their hands for the want of a market. So far is a
navigable river from being a boundary calculated to
prevent collision betwixt two different states, that it
affords the greatest possible opportunities for invasion
or predatory excursions; and in case of war with the
power possessing Louisiana, a line of more than two
thousand miles in length of the United States would
have been subject to be invaded in half an hour after
the enemy left his own territory. But besides the
devastations incident on regular warfare, this extended
border would have been subject to the depredations of
the various tribes of warlike Indians residing west of
the Mississippi, who would have been a terrible engine
in the hands of the power possessing the dominion of
that country. In a state of hostility, they would have
rendered the eastern bank of the Mississippi wholly
uninhabitable.

No.V

REMARKS

'"THE STATES OF OfflO, KENTUCKY, AND
INDIANA

WITH

THE ILLINOIS AND WESTERN TERRITORY

AND ON THE
EMIGRATIONS TO THOSE COUNTRIES

In a tour across the Alleghanies, and through the
regions west of these mountains and east of the Missis-
sippi river, I did not keep a regular journal, but con-
tented myself with making general remarks, without
any expectation that they would ever be submitted to
public view. From these remarks I shall briefly ex-
tract such matter as may be useful to those who wish
to visit the western country, or be read with interest by
those who do not.

The committee appointed by the government of the
United States, in the year 1816, to examine into the
state of American manufactures, in speaking of the
western country, say, "The rapidity of its growth is
such, that even whilst we are employed in drawing the
portrait, the features continue to [288] enlarge, and the
picture becomes distorted." As nothing can be more
true than the above observation, it is therefore evident
that a traveller, in speaking of this country as acted
upon by the operations of man, can only speak with
confidence of ivkai was. It is only on its natural forma-
tion that he can speak of what is as far as is known.

l8o9-i

Bradbury's Travels

273

The region to which these observations will more
pajticularly apply, is bounded by the Alleghanies to
the south-east, by the Mississippi on the west, and the
Great Lakes to the north. The Kaatskill Mountains,
on the Hudson River, about one hundred and thirty
miles from New York, are considered as the northern
termination of the chain of mountains called the Alle-
ghanies, from which point they proceed in a south-west
direction to the Floridas, a distance of nine hundred
miles, and parallel with the general direction of the
Atlantic coast. The country west of this chain is in
so many points of view different from that compre-
hended betwixt it and the Atlantic, as to demand a
separate and distinct description. As almost the whole
of the population of this country is confined to the
vicinity of the Ohio or its tributary streams, the portion
which furnishes water to that river will first be consid-
ered. West and north-west there is a vast tract on
which that river is not dependent. That tract, as
regards its natural formation, has [289] a distinct char-
acter, which will also be particularly noticed.

The Ohio, from Pittsburg to its mouth, is supposed
to be eleven hundred and eighty-eight miles in length,
and receives in its course a considerable number of
streams, of which the following are the principal: —
Tennessee, Sciota,

Cumberland, Big Sandy River,

Green River, Great Kenhawa,

Salt River, Little Kenhawa,

Kentucky River, Muskingum,

Litde Miami, Wabash.

Great Miami,

274 Early IVesiem Travels [V<ri, $

Its name Ohio is of Indian origin, and signifies beau-
tiful. The French have not adopted the term, but call
it in their maps of this country La Belle Riviire. Al-
though it is a small stream when compared with the
Mississippi, some idea of its magnitude may be formed
by those who are only accustomed to see rivers in
miniature, by examining the following statement of
the area from which it derives its waters: —

[290] 5^. Miles.

Illinois Territory, ^ S.^oo

Indiana Territory (the whole) . . . 37,050

State of Ohio, J 3S,o88

Pennsylvania, J 16,493

New York, rii jai

Maryland, iJ-j 140

Virginia, J 38,300

North Carolina, ^ 1,100

South Carolina, i-Jtt 153

Georgia, -^ 3,000

Kentucky (the whole) 40,110

Tennessee J 33,400

Square miles .... 198,454

The area of England and Wales is 49,450 square
miles: it therefore appears that this river receives the
water of a surface four times that extent. This sur-
face is comprehended betwixt the parallels of 35 and 43
degrees of latitude; a climate perhaps the best on the
globe as regards the comforts of man.

The seasons and the general state of the weather
correspond with what has been mentioned of Upper
Louisiana in similar latitudes: — in spring heavy rains;
in summer an almost cloudless sky, with heavy dews

1809-1811] Bradbury's Travels 275

at night; in autumn some rain, followed by the
Indian summer; and the winter from ten weeks to three
months long, which is dry, sharp, [291] and pleasant.
[From the Alleghanies to the Lakes there are no moun-
tains, or scarcely an elevation deserving the name of
a hill, the blufis which border the rivers excepted. It
is nevertheless relieved from the dull monotony of a
level plain by numberless valleys, through which the
streams flow, and by small elevations, termed ridges.
The soil is much superior to that of the countries east of
the Alleghanies, and varies in quality^ These varia-
tions are denoted by the term first, second, and third
rates. In the early stage of the transition of a fertile
country from a state of nature to that of improvement
and the arts, but little can be known as respects its geo-
logical formation, or, in other words, what it may con-
tain as regards minerals. In general the first settlers
are only cultivators of the soil, and never examine to
any considerable depth below the surface, except by
digging wells. All that is known of this country on
those subjects has been discovered in that way, or has
manifested itself on the surface, and is confined, as
regards useful articles, to coal, salt, iron, lead, and
nitre. From the numerous and general indications
and the known existence of coal, it may be presumed
to be very abundant. In examining the beds of most
of the rivers, rounded nodules of coal may be found
mixed with the stones and gravel, and beds of argil-
laceous schist, containing vegetable impressions, are
frequent: in some instances these [292] beds contain
masses of pyrites. Coal is actually found at Pittsburg,
at Zanesville, on Green River, in the Illinois, and in the

276

Early Western Travels

[Vol. s

western territories. It is unifonnly bituminous, and
hi^y charged with that substance."* In all these
instances it has manifested itself on the surface of the
earth, and indicates ahnost inexhaustible beds.

Salt, the most useful article at present, is found in
various places, but as yet only in a state of solution,
and has mosdy been indicated by the excavations made
by wild animals before the country was discovered by
the whites. These animals, and in particular the her-
bivorous kind, have a strong predilection for salt; they
resorted in immense numbers to every place where a
salt spring existed, and not only drank the water, but
licked up all the earth in its vicinity, that was impreg-
nated with saline particles. Some of these excava-
tions are of a surprising extent, when the means by
which they have been effected is considered. The
salt spring called the Ohio Saline, about twenty mfles
from the mouth of ^he Wabash, is several [293] acres in
extent, and from six to ten feet in depth. On viewing
these, and contemplating the length of time necessary
for such a mass to be carried away in the stomachs of
animals, the mind is struck with astonishment."*
The existence of salt on the Kenhawa was not pointed
out by these indications. On sinking a well, the per-"

"■ This fact is remarkable in a geological point of view, when connected
with another, which is, thai almost all, if not Che whole, of the coal discor-
ered east of the Allcghanics is of the kind called b; Kirwan mineral caxbon,
containing no bitumen. Vast beds of this description of coal exist on the
SuBqueh«nn»h and Delaware rivers. It contains ninety pa cent of cjuboo.
— BBADBtny.

*** Salt is made at various places in the western couatrv, and the manu-
facture is lapidlf increasing. The prindpal establishments sre on the
Kechawa, at Bullet's and at Mann's Licks, Kentucky, and at the Ohio
Saline, at Ibe mouth of the Wabasb.— Bkadbubt.

iSog-iSii] Bradbury's Travels 277

sons employed came to a red sandstone rock before
they had obtained a suflSciency of water, and perfor-
ated the rock, when the salt water unmediately issued
up with great force. This rock is now found to extend
for several miles on both sides of the river. Wherever
it is perforated salt water is found beneath, and several
works for the manufacture of salt are already estab-
lished."'

"* In passing down that river I bad an opportunity of seeing the man-
ner in which they amstruct their wells for the salt water, which, on account
of its singularity, I shall describe. Thcj first ascertain by boring at what
depth they shall come to the rock, and afterwards look out fur a hollow tree,
which must be at least from three to four feet in diameter. This they cut
down carefully for [ear of splitting, and saw oS such a length as will reach
from the surface of the ground to the rock. If the hollow of the tree is not
large enough to allow room auffident for a man to work within, they enlarge
it. A well is nc« dug, and when so deep thai there is danger of the earth
falling in, the Irunk is put down, and sunk to (he surface of the rock. After
the influx of fresh water is prevented by calkings round the edges at the
bottom of the trunk, the perforation is made, and the salt water immediately
rues td the surface. Beddes the use here meadotied, halldw trees were
appUed to other purposes, being cut across in diSerent lengths, and used
by the Gisl settlers as tubs to bold grain, &c. Any portion so cut off is called
a gum, a name probably arising from the almost exclusive application of the
gum trees to these purposes; for although many spedes of trees are liable
to become hollow, yet none arc so perfectly hollowed as the gum tree (liquid'
amber slyraeifiim). These trees, as I am informed, are often found so
completely hollow as to leave the sound part not more than an inch in thick-
ness, and the inside surface perfectly smooth.

Having mentioned the Kenbawa, I must observe, that on arriving at
the falls of that river, ninety mites from the Ohio, I found a boat going from
thence to Kenhawa Court-house, with some goods that bad been brought
over the Alleghanies, A passage was cheerfully granted to me, during
which I enquired for the burning well, and expressed a wish to see it. The
boatman informed me it was four miles from the river, and it would not
be convenient for them to wait until I visited it, but promised to show me
what would equally gratify my curiosity. Accordingly, near the edge of the
river, and about fifteen miles farther down, they landed, and conducted me
to where there was a hole dug in the sandy hank of the river, about a fool in
diameter. From this hole a flame Issued at least two feet high. Several
stones were placed round the margin, on which some other boatmen had set

278

Early JVestem Travels

[Vols

[294] Iron ore is found in many places, but chiefly in
the neighbourhood where foundries have been estab-
lished. [295] About fourteen miles west of the Ohio
Saline, in the Illinois Territory, there is a lead mine,
which was discovered by a gentleman from Tennessee,
of the name of Guest. It is not yet worked, but seems
to promise well. Some small excavations have been
made, and a quantity of galena found. It appears to
have no connection or affinity with the mines of St.
Genevieve, not only on account of the distance being
about a hundred and fifty miles, but from the marked
difference in the rock which is the matrix of the ore,
and in the substances which are concomitant with it
The rock in this mine is of that species of limestone
called kettonstone, or compact limestone of Kirwan,
and consists of very small accreted round granulations.
The ore is mixed with very beautiful fluor spar, of sev-
eral colours, as blue, brown, yellow, and pellucid.
The caves yielding salt petre are still more abundant
than those of Upper Louisiana, or rather they are better
known, and some of them are of surprising extent.
They abound chiefly on Green, Tennessee, and Cum-
berland rivers.

[296] The country is generally calcareous; but many

thor kettles to cook their meat. I bod noticed for aeveral miles above >
vein of iron ore appearing at the lurface, about the height of the highest
floods, and in almost eveiy part of the bank great quantities of ochre. The
same appearances continued to the distance of several miles below. From
noticing this drcumatance, I was led to fonn a conjecture on the formatioa
of the gas that supplied the flame, and was persuaded that there is a. vast
body of iron ore, which, from the appearance of so much ochre, is in a con-
tinued slate o£ oitydiiBtion, and produces a constant decomposition of water,
with the oiygen of which it unites, and consequently a quantity of
is evolved.— May not this be the cause ? — Bradboby.

iSog-iSii] Bradbury's Travels 279

rocks of freestone occur. One producing excellent
flags may be observed near the place where the battle
was fought at Point Pleasant, on the Kenhawa.'"

Near the mouth of Cabin Creek, about six miles
above Limestone, on the Ohio, there is a hill almost
covered with detached petrified casts of marine shells,
in which a great many species may be observed.

In the state of nature, this country was almost
wholly covered with trees, many of which are of great
magnitude. More than one hundred species are found,
and the timber is of various qualities, affording to the
farmer, ship-builder, carpenter, cooper, and cabinet-
maker great opportunities of selecting what is most
suitable for their different purposes. Of the oak only,
there are fourteen or fifteen species, of which the over
cup (quercus macrocarpa,) affords the best timber.
The post oak {quercus obtusUoba,) is also much es-
teemed for the durability of its timber* when put into the
ground. The black locust (robtnia pseud-acacia,) and
the honey locust (gledUsta Iriacanlhos,) are excellent
for the ship-builders, and are much esteemed by them,
particularly for the making of tree-nails. For furni-
ture, they chiefly use the wild [297] cherry (prunas
Virginia,) and black walnut (juglans nigral) the former
is little inferior to mahogany in beauty.

Nothing so much surprises the European on his first

"* Tliis was the baltle fougbt by the confederaled Nonhem Indians
wiUi General Andrew Lewis's division of Ihe Virginia anny, on October
TO, 1774. It was the chief engagement of Lord Dunmore's War, and one
of the most botlysxjntested conflicts during the history of our Indian wars.
The result of the battle was indecisive; but during the following night the
Indians withdrew, leaving the Virginians victorious. Shortly after, they
made peace with Dunmore, governor of Virginia, upon his own tenns. — Ed.

28o

Early Western Travels

tVol.s

entrance on the western country, as the grandeur and
beauty of many of these trees, and more particularly
if he happens to arrive in the Spring; not fewer than ten
species produce a profusion of beautiful blossoms, and
the underwood consists mostly of some of our finest
flowering shrubs. The trees comprise five species of
Magnolia, with liriodendron tulifnfera, or tulip tree,
robinia pseudacacia, or black locust, guilandina dioica,
or coffee nut, and two species of horse chesnut, (escuIus
pavia and piva. Amongst the shrubs are found the
rhododendrons, kalmias, and azaleas, with cercis Cana-
densis, and comus florida.

The wild animals have mostly disappeared from the
vicinity of the inhabited parts; none now remain
that are dangerous, and but few that are destructive.
The wolves sometimes take a sheep, or a small pig, but
they are already becoming scarce, and will soon disap-
pear. The squirrels are the greatest enemies the farm-
ers have now to contend with, but they are prevented
from an inordinate increase by the frequency of squirrel
hunts [298] by the riflemen, which are encouraged by
the landholders.'*'

"iThe squirrels have greatly mcreased since Ihe country has became
peopled by the nUtes, owing to the greater quantity of food afiorded, and
by the opportunities they have of robbing the com and wheat fields; but
the farmers occasionally give what they call "a barbique" in the woods, lo
the young riflemen, on (he condition that they make a match at squirrel
hunting, of six, eight, or ten, against a similar number, who also make ■
wager amongst themselvc^ The hog is killed, dressed, and roasted after
the Indian method; this consists in digging a hole, the bottom of which
tbey cover with hot stones; on these the bog is laid, and covered over also
with heated stones. There is plenty of liquor, and the jrolii ends in shoot-
ing at a mark. Q have heard ot mote than two thousand squirrels being killed
at one of these hunts, all with ball. Perhaps this drqumstonce contributes to
render these people such skilful marksmen; and as every man is necessitated

i8o9-i8ii] Bradbury's Travels 281

[299] The price of land is so much varied by quality
and situation, that no certain data can be given. Near
the large towns, land is as dear as near the cities in the
eastern states, and in the most populous towns, the
lots sell at a very high price. In February, 1816, land
in the town of Louisville sold at the rate of 30,000 dol-
lars per acre. The lands belonging to the United States
government are sold at one uniform price, viz. two dol-
lars per acre, with five years to pay it in, or one dollar,
sixty-four cents cash. There are but few European
families, who have been accustomed to sedentary em-
ployments, that could submit to the fatigues incident
on clearing a forest, and converting it into arable land.
To such, a resource is always open, as opportunities
are never wanting to purchase from the Backwoodsman
what he calls his improvement. He is alarmed at the ap-
proach of population, and is anxious to remove farther
back into the woods. The improvement consists in a
log house, a peach, and perhaps an apple, orchard,
together with from ten, to thirty or forty acres of land,
inclosed, and partially cleared. For this, seldom
more than from fifty to a hundred dollars is asked, ex-

to appropriate a portion of his land to timber foi fuel and fences, the squirrels
having refuge there, will long continue lo exercise their skitTl Another
eneioy they keep within bounds, perhaps without dcsigmng ifTDefore the
peaches are naturally mature, great quantities fall from the trees, apparently
ripe ; to consume these, they turn the hogs into their orchards. On examin-
ing these peaches, there may be found in each a small worm, of course pro-
duced by a winged insect, probably a cynifi. Those who are acquainted
with the amazing powers of reproduction vested in insects, need not to be
informed oE the consequences if these were all suffered lo arrive at maturity.
Some of the farmers consider the woodpecker as an enemy, ou account of
the great number of perforations it makes in their apple trees, but as its food
is insects, I think it may be considered to them an invaluable friend. — Bkad-

BTIKK.

282 Early Western Travels [Vol. 5

elusive of the value of the land, which in most cases
belongs to the United States, and may be purchased
at the land office on the usual terms. Besides the land
belonging to the United States, there are large tracts
in the hands of speculators, [300] from whom it may
sometimes be purchased upon as good terms as from
the government, and as liberal in point of credit; but
in this case, care should be taken to examine if the title
is good. Many of the speculators are anxious to sell,
as the land-tax, although comparatively light, becomes
heavy on very extensive purchases: it amounts to one
dollar, twenty cents, per annum, on one hundred acres
of first-rate land; one dollar on one hundred acres of
second-rate; and sixty cents on third-rate. These
sums are nearly in the proportion of -^4 of a penny per
acre for first-rate; one halfpenny per acre for second
rate; and ^V of a halfpenny per acre for third-rate.
Some districts of upland may be purchased of the specu-
lators at half a dollar, or 2s. 3d. per acre: these would
answer well for sheep. No land tax is expected until
five years after the purchase, when land becomes liable.
^Tliey have two modes of clearing land; one by cutting
the trees round, so as to kill them, and afterwards
clearing away the underwood, the quantity of which is
very small: this mode is called girdling, and is only
resorted to by those who, to use their own phrase, are
"weak-handed." The other mode is by cutting down
the trees, dragging them into heaps, and burning them.
This operation is almost always the subject of what
they term a frolic, or in some places a 6eeT) It is neces-
sary to remark, that [301] in the early part of the set-
tlement of a country like this, a great number of things

1809-1811] Bradbury's Travels 283

occur necessary to be done, which require the united
strength of numbers to effect. In those parts, money
cannot purchase for the new settler the required aid;
but that kind and generous feeling which men have
for each other, who are not rendered callous by the
possession of wealth, or the dread of poverty, comes
to his relief: his neighbours, even unsolicited, appoint
a day when as a frolic, they shall, for instance, build
him a house. f^On the morning of the appointed day
they assemble, and divide themselves into parties, to
each of which is assigned its respective duty; one party
cuts down the trees, another lops and cuts them to
proper lengths, a third is furnished with horses and
oxen, and drags them to the spot designed for the scite
of the house: another party is employed in making
shingles to cover the roof, and at night all the materials
are ready upon the spot; and on the night of the next
day, he and his family sleep In their new habitation.
No remuneration is expected, nor would it be receiveHl
It is considered the performance of a duty, and only
lays him under the obligation to discharge the debt
by doing the same to subsequent settlers. But this
combination of labour in numbers, for the benefit of
one individual, is not confined to the new comer only,
it occurs frequently in the course of a year amongst the
old settlers, [302] with whom it is a continued bond of
amity and social intercourse, and in no part of the
world is good neighbourship found in greater per-
fection than in the western territory, or in America
generally.

As the climate has already been spoken of, I shall
only observe, that here, as in Upper Louisiana, the

284 Early Western Travels [VoL 5

shortness and mildness of the winter is of i m mense
advantage to the farmer, {in parts where the winter
is five or six months long, a great portion of time must
necessarily be employed in providing food for the cattle
during that season. Here very little time or land is
necessary to be devoted to that purpose. The greatest
part of the farmers scatter the seeds of pumpkins in
the fields when planting the com: no farther care is
required, except throwing the pumpkins into the
waggon when ripe. These, with the tops of the Indian
com, cut o£f when the ears are formed, give sufficient
food for all the stock during winter. The pumpkins
are raised with so little trouble, that they sell for a dol-
lar per waggon load, and generally weigh from thirty
to fifty pounds each, although some have been raised
to exceed two hundred pounds. Cattle and hogs eat
them with avidit y^

The vine flourishes in this region, and the [303]
wheat can scarcely be surpassed, either for quality or
abundance. With the exception of beans (viao \oba^
and cauliflower, the culinary vegetables of Europe are
raised in as much perfection as in England. In addi-
tion to these, they cultivate in their fields, amongst
other crops, water melons, musk -melons, squashes, and
sweet potatoes, (convolvulus batatus.) Cucumbers and
beans (phaseolus,) grow in much greater perfection
than in England. The fruits are excellent, and in
great abundance, particularly peaches and apples.

Very little of the agricultural , labour falls on the
women, who employ themselves in their domestic
manufactures, in which they are both expert and in-
dustrious. Almost all grow some flax, and south

i8o9-i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels

285

of latitude 39° they have what they call a cotton patch}"
Few are without sheep. By these means the women
are furnished with three staple articles, out of which
they spin suftcient to produce almost all the clothing
and other articles necessary for a family. Some have
looms, and weave it themselves; others employ weavers,
who follow that business as an occupation."*

[304] In the towns, many of the trades or manufac-
tories are already established, that are calculated to
furnish articles of the first degree of necessity; and
some of those which produce articles necessary in a
more advanced state of refinement. Amongst the first,
are masons, stone-cutters, brick-makers, smiths, car-
penters, wheelwrights, cabinet-makers, saddlers, boot
and shoe makers, ship and boat builders, nailors, cop-
persmiths and brass-founders, wire-drawers and wire-
makers, screw and hinge makers, gunsmiths, cutlers,
machine makers, clock and watch makers, curriers,
glovers, distillers, butchers, bakers, brewers, stocking
makers, rope makers, coffee-mill makers, and a great
number of others. There are also glass manufactories,
cotton and woollen manufactories, iron foundries,
potteries, floor-cloth manufactories, steam engine mak-
ers, glass cutters, silversmiths, looking-glass makers,
printers, bookbinders, &c. &c. There is no part of
the world where labour finds a better market than in
the western country; this results from a state of things
that will not admit of a speedy change. A very mod-

it become an object of culture as a crop north of ^6°.

"* The manufacture of tbeii woollens is much facilitated by the estab-
lishment of carding machines: almost geneiaJly throughout the United
Stalci, name propiietoia have two or three machines. — Bkadddsy.

286 Early Western Travels [Vol. s

erate sum of money enables a man to procure one or
two hundred acres of land; the savings of [305] two or
three years will enable a working man to effect this,
if he is prudent; and although he can only cultivate a
small part of it, and perhaps for the first two or three
years, not more than will maintain his family, yet the
accumulation of property by the regular and rapid
advance in the value of his land, forms more than an
equivalent to the savings of the labourer or mechanic.
From this cause there is a continued tendency in the
labourers to turn to farming, as soon as they have ac-
quired a little property: they are well aware that, by
undertaking to bring tuUd land into a state of culti-
vation, they must undergo some hardships, and suffer
some privations, but the state of ease, security and in-
dependence which will assuredly follow, makes ample
amends.

That produce of every kind, of the nature of pro-
visions, will for a very long time remain low, may be
presumed by attending to the following circumstances:
first the distance from a foreign market, causing a great
expense in exportation: secondly, the great predomi-
nance of scattered population employed in farming,
over that which is condensed in tovras, or otherwise
employed : and thirdly, the vast extent of land remain-
ing west of the Alleghanies yet unoccupied; this will
appear from the following statement of the area and
population, in which all that part attached to the
[306] Atlantic States is excluded. The population is
taken as it stood in the census of 1810, since when,
although there has been a great increase, yet it makes

i8o9-i8ir]

Bradbury's Travels

287

no very sensible difference when the extent of the

country is considered.

Ohio State
Indiana State
Illinois Territory
Michigan Territory
North West Territory
Kentucky State .
Tenessee State .
Mississippi Territory
Missouri Territory

a in Square Miles. Population.

43.860
39.000
53,000
34,8jo
106,830
40,1 10

1.433.750

330,760
34,5^0

13,383

4,76a

1,000

406,511

361,737

40,353
30,845

i,ooj,759

By this statement, it appears that in 1810, there
was only one inhabitant in near one and a half square
miles, or, (as there are six hundred and forty acres to
the square mile) one inhabitant in every nine hundred
acres; not one-tenth of these are residents in towns,
nor one-fifth have any employment but agriculture.

The average population of England and Wales is
one hundred and ninety-two to the square mile. In
Lancashire there are four hundred inhabitants to the
square mile, which allows but little more than an acre
and a half to each individual.

[307] Wages in the Western Country, to a labourer or
husbandman, are about fifteen dollars, or 5^. 7s. 6d.
per month, and his board, washing, &c. Carpenters,
masons, and other handicraft men, average about one
dollar and twenty-five cents per day, equal to 5s. yjd.
or one dollar and board. Shoemakers have about 4s.
sterling for making a pair of shoes, and for a pair of

Early Western Travels

[Vol.5

boots about IIS. In the present state of things, flour,
and other produce that is transferable to a foreign
market, is h^her than usual, but when not affected by
a scarcity in Europe, will fall to the usual price, which
is pretty near the following statement.

mUamtt. EMg-ltemtr.

Flour, per barrel .
Indian corn meal, per i
Potatoes, per bushel
Beef, mutton, and veal,
Pork, per lb.
Bacon, per lb.
Venison, per lb.
Fowls, each
Ducks, eocA
Geese, each
Turkies, each
Cheese, per lb.
Butter, per lb.
Cider, per barrel
Whiskey, per gallon
Peach brandy, per gallon
Maple sugar, per lb.

per lb.

3, _

5 — o
4—0
8—0
4 ~ o
iH- o
35 — I
62J— 3
75—3

9i
4i

[308] By a comparison of this table with the rate of
wages, it will appear, that an industrious working man
may support a family with great ease in this country.

Mellish, in his description of these parts, gives a
statement of the prices of provision and labour, which
he closes with the following observations.

"From this list of prices, taken in connexion with
the value of labour, it will be seen, that an ordinary
workman can procure for a day's work, fifty potmds of
flour, — or twenty pounds of beef, — or three bushels

i8o9-i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels

of potatoes, — or twenty-seven pounds of pork, — or
eight fowls, — or four ducks, — or two ordinary geese, —
or one very large turkey.' '

The constitution of the state of Ohio declares that

1. All men are bom equally free and independent.

2. All men have a natural right to worship God ac-
cording to the dictates of their own conscience.

3. Trial by jury shall be inviolate.

4. Printing-presses shall be free.

[309] 5. Unwarrantable searches shall not be per-
mitted.

6. Unnecessary rigor shall not be exercised.

7. Excessive bail shall not be required in bailable
offences.

8. All penalties shall be proportioned to the nature
of the offence.

9. The liberty of the people to assemble together,
to consult for the public good, and to bear arms in their
own defence, is guaranteed.

10. Hereditary emoluments, honours, and privileges
are for ever prohibited.

11. Slavery is for ever prohibited, and it is declared
that "No indenture of any negro or mulatto, hereafter
made and executed out of the state, or if made
in the state, where the term of service exceeds one
year, shall be of the least validity, except those given in
the case of apprenticeship."

12. "Religion, morality, and knowledge being essen-
tially necessary to the good government and happiness
of mankind, schools, and the means of instruction, shall
be for ever encouraged by [310] legislative provision,
not inconsistent with the rights of conscience."

290 Early Western Travels [\'ol. 5

The government is legislative and executive, and
regulates the judicial and military authorities.

The legislature consists of a senate and house of
representatives. The senators are elected bienniaUy,
the representatives annually, by the people, and one
half vacate their seats every year. Every free white
male, who is a citizen of the United States, and has
resided in that state one year, has a vote for a repre-
sentative; if he has resided two years, he can vote for a
senator.

Every citizen qualified to vote for a representative,
and above twenty-five years of age, is also eligible to
be himself elected: if above thirty years of age, he is
eligible to become a senator.

The governor is also chosen by the people, and serves
for two years: he cannot by law be elected more than
three times in succession.

The election is carried on throughout the state on
the same day, and during the same hours, viz. from
ten to four o'clock. There is a poll in every township,
and it is conducted by ballot; each elector hands in a
slip of paper, containing the [311] name of the can-
didate to whom he gives his vote, at which time his own
name is registered. By this means, the whole business
of election is begun and terminated in one day, without
any noise or disturbance.

The justices are appointed by the people of their
respective townships, and retain their office only three
years, unless re-elected.

In the military of the state, the captains and the
subaltern officers are chosen by those in their respective
company districts, who are subject to military duty.

i8o9-i8ii] Bradbury's Travels 291

Majors are elected by captains and subalterns.

Colonels are elected by majors, captains, and sub-
alterns.

Brigadier-generals are elected by the commissioned
officers of their respective brigades.

Major-generals and quarter- master-generals are ap-
pointed by joint ballot of both houses of the legislature.

The governor is commander-in-chief, and appoints
the adjutants.

[312] In regard to the manners of the people west of
the Alleghanies, it would be absurd to expect that a
general character could be now formed, or that it will
be for many years yet to come. The population is at
present compounded of a great number of nations, not
yet amalgamated, consisting of emigrants from every
state in the Union, mixed with English, Irish, Scotch,
Dutch, Swiss, Germans, French, and almost from
every country in Europe. In some traits they partake
in common with the inhabitants of the Atlantic States,
which results from the nature of their government.
That species of hauteur which one class of society in
some countries show in their intercourse with the other,
is here utterly unknown. By their constitution, the
existence of a privileged order, vested by birth with
hereditary privileges, honours, or emoluments, is for ever
interdicted. If, therefore, we should here expect to find
that contemptuous feeling in man for man, we should
naturally examine amongst those clothed with judicial
or military authority; but we should search in vain.
The justice on the bench, or the officer in the field, is
respected and obeyed whilst discharging the functions
of his office, as the representative or agent of the law,

292 Early Western Travels [Vol. j

enacted for the good 0} all; but should he be tempted
to treat even the least wealthy of his neighbours or
feUow-citizens with contumely, he would soon find
that he could not do it with impunity. [313] Travel-
lers from Europe, in passing through the western
country, or indeed any part of the United States, ought
to be previously acquainted with this part of the
American character, and more particularly if they
have been in the habit of treating with contempt, or
irritating with abuse, those whom accidental circum-
stances may have placed in a situation to administer to
their wants. Let no one here indulge himself in abus-
ing the waiter or hostler at an inn: that waiter or hostler
is probably a citizen, and does not, nor can he, conceive
that a situation in which he discharges a duty to society,
not in itself dishonourable, should subject him to in-
sult: but this feeling, so far as I have experienced, is
entirely defensive. I have travelled near ten thousand
miles in the United States, and never received the
least incivility or affront.

The Americans in general are accused by travellers
of being inquisitive. If this be a crime, the western
people are guilty; but for my part I must say that it is a
practice that I never was disposed to complain of, be-
cause I always found them as ready to answer a ques-
tion as to ask one, and therefore I always came off a
gainer by thi^sort of barter; and if any traveller does not,
it is his own fault. As this leads me to notice their gen-
eral conduct to strangers, I feel myself bound in grati-
tude and regard to truth, to speak of their hospitality.
In [314] my travels through the inhabited parts of the

i8o9-t8ii

Bradbury's Travels

293

United States, not less than two thousand miles was
through parts where there were no taverns, and where a
traveller is under the necessity of appealing to the hos-
pitality of the inhabitants. In no one instance has my
appeal been fruitless, although in many cases the furnish-
ing of a bed has been evidently attended with incon-
venience, and in a great many instances no remuneration
would be received. Other European travellers have ex-
perienced this liberal spirit of hospitality, and some have
repaid it by calumny. These calumnies have reached
them : they are well acquainted with what Weld and a
person who calls himself Ashe have said of them.'"
In respect to their moral character, my experience
[315] reaches chiefly to the western, middle, and some
of the southern states. In the western states, I noticed
that very few of the houses in which I slept had either
locks or bolts on the doors, and that the jails were in
general without a single tenant.

It has already been observed that no people dis-
charge the social duties, as respects the character of
neighbours, better, and I believe no country, having a

'"lAs the book published by this Aahe coDtaina numberless statements,
beaiing in themselves such evidences of being void of truth as to deprive
him of all claim to veracity] and bs it hiLS already sunk into the oblivioD it
meiits, the malignant fatsenoods propagated by him, respecting Ameiica
and the American people, should have remained unnoticed by me, had I
not witnessed the just indignation it has excited in that country, and alto
found that Ashe had been received and treated with the greatest kindueu
by the very people whom he has ho grossly libeUed. (His statements ore too
numerous, and many of them loo absurd, to deserve a serious refutation; but
I think ii a duty due both to rayself and my country to slate, that his descrip-
tion of the American people, and the accusations he makes against them,
•re void of foundationTl U Mr. Ashe saw any instance to warrant bis obser-
TBtions, he must have kept the worst of company.— BBADBtTBY.

294

Early Western Travels

[Vols

population equal to the United States, can exhibit the
records of their courts containing fewer statements of
crinies committed against the laws.

Jxhe more northerly parts of the states of Ohio and
Indiana, together with the whole of the Illinois and
western territories, including an area of about 128,-
130,000 acres) comprehend that part which, in the be-
ginning of tms article, has been noticed as possessing
a different character in its natural state. The originai
state of the region already spoken of was that of a con-
tinued forest, not convertible into a state fit for culti-
vation without great pains and labour. (This region is
an assemblage of woodland and prairie or savannas
intermixed; the portions of each varying in extent, but
the aggregate area of the prairies exceeding that of the
woodland in the proportion of three or four to one.
The soil of this part is inferiocjo none in North [316]
America, or perhaps in the worldj In a state of nature,
these prairies are covered witna luxuriant growth of
grass and herbaceous plants, affording a most abun-
dant supply of food for the stock of the new settler; and
it is worthy of notice, that any part of these prairies,
when constantly fed on by cattle, becomes covered with
white clover and the much esteemed blue grass, {poa
compressa) as frequent pasturing seems to give those
plants a predominance over ail others.

In the geological formation, this country also differs
in some degree from the one entirely covered with wood
in its natural state. The surface is much more level,
and the strata more regular and undisturbed. In
general the order of the strata is sand lying on sand-
stone, afterwards lime-stone, beneath which is argil-

i8o9-i8ii] Bradbury's Travels 295

laceous schist lying on coal. For the settler who is not
habitually accustomed to the felling of trees, and who
has the courage to fix himself on wild land, this is by
much the best part of the United States, excepting
Upper Louisiana. If he places his house at the edge
of one of these prairies, it furnishes him food for any
number of cattle he may choose to keep. The wood-
land affords him the materials necessary for his house,
his fire, and fences, and with a single yoke of oxen, he
can in general immediately reduce any part of his
prairie land to a state of tillage. Had this portion
[317] of the country been placed at no greater distance
from the Alleghanies than the woody region, it would
undoubtedly have been the first settled; but being
situated from five hundred to a thousand miles beyond
those mountains, and separated from them by one of
the most fertile countries in the world, the consequence
is, that emigrants are so well satisfied with what ad-
vantages a first view of the country presents, that they
are anxious to sit down as soon as possible. Another
reason why this portion of the wild lands has not been
more rapidly settled, is the total indifference of the
American fanner to the present or future value of coal.
This arises in part from his prejudice against the use of
it for fuel, but more from his want of knowledge of its
vast importance to other countries, and a consequent
want of foresight. The farmer who is possessed of
five hundred acres of land, expects that in time it will
probably be divided into ten properties or farms by
his posterity, each of which must be supplied with
timber for fuel and fences: he wishes, therefore, that
the land unreclaimed may remain covered with tim-

. J

296

Rarly Western Travels

[Vol.s

ber, as a reserve for posterity, although perhaps he has
an excellent bed of coal at no great distance beneath
the surface.

Nothing so strongly indicates the superiority of the
western country, as the vast emigrations to it from
the eastern and southern states. In passing [318]
through the upper parts of Virginia, I observed a great
number of farms that had been abandoned, on many
of which good houses had been erected, and fine apple
and peach orchards had been planted. On enquiring
the reason, I was always informed that the owners had
gone to the western country. From the New England
States the emigrations are still more numerous. They
mostly cross the Hudson river betwixt Albany and New-
burg, and must pass through Cayuga in their way to
Pittsburg. I was informed by an inhabitant of Cayuga,
in April, 1816, that more than fifteen thousand waggons
had passed over the bridge at that place within the last
eighteen months, containing emigrants to the western
country.

In making the following remarks, and in giving such
instructions and information as will be useful to those
who purpose to emigrate to America, I disclaim any
wish to promote emigration. Much distress has
arisen to emigrants, either from having entertained
false conceptions, or from a want of knowledge how to
conduct themselves after their arrival in the United
States. I have witnessed that distress, and traced it to
the cause: my wish is to obviate it.

The remarks that follow will only apply to such as
the law permits to expatriate themselves, and [319] of
course the present state or future prospects of manu-

i8o9-i8ii9

Bradbury's Travels

297

factures in the United States will form no part of the
subject to be considered. But the inutility of the law,
prohibiting the emigration of manufacturers or machin-
ists to the United States, is so obvious to persons ac-
quainted with the interior of the country, that they are
[at] a loss to conceive why it continues to exist. It is
still more surprising that it should yet be enforced in a
country where excess of population is a subject of com-
plaint, where means have been devised to check the
rapidity of its progress, and where the classes denied
the privilege of expatriation are complained of as being
an incumbrance, and are daily adding more and more
to the distress of the nation, in the picture of which
they stand the most prominent figure. Whoever is
intimately acquainted with the interior of the United
States, knows that cotton and woollen manufactories
are spread throughout the Union, and that they have
found their way even to the west of the Aileghanies.
At Nashville, in Tenessee; Lexington, in Kentucky:
at Cincinnati, Beaver, and at Pittsburg, and many
other places, there are large cotton and woollen estab-
lishments.

In the eastern and middle states there are many
hundreds of factories, abundantly supplied with mana-
gers and machine makers from Britain, of [320] whom
there is such a redundancy, that a very considerable
number have resorted to agriculture. Whether manu-
factories will succeed in America, or to what degree,
time alone can determine; but that their progress can
be in the least impeded by restrictive laws, prohibiting
the emigration of manufacturers or machinists from
this country, is now absolutely unpossible.

298 Early Western Travels [Vol. 5

The first step that an emigrant ought to take, should
be to provide himself with a proper certificate, setting
forth his trade or profession, and testifying that he has
never been employed in manufactures, or machine
making, or in works of brass, iron, or steel, appertain-
ing to manufactures. This certificate must be signed
by the minister and churchwardens of the parish to
which he belongs; and If also by a magistrate, it will
render it of more effect.

Most articles of furniture being cheaper in the
United States than in Britain, nothing of that kind
ought to be taken, as they would, in all probability,
suffer damage. Feather beds and bedding, on the con-
trary, ought to be preserved ; and for packing clothes,
&c. trunks are preferable to heavy and clumsy boxes.
On arriving at the port from whence the emigrant
expects to sail, his first care should be to ascertain if
his certificate is suflBcient, [321] which he may be
I acquainted with at the custom-house; and he must be
1 careful not to pay for his passage until he be well
assured that he shall be permitted to proceed.

The port in the United States to which it will be the
interest of the emigrant to sail, will depend on his
views or his prospects.' A wide field is open to him,
and he ought to make himself acquainted with its
geography before he decide on this point.

For a very great portion of emigrants, the countries
west of the AUeghanies, say Ohio, Indiana, Kentucky,
Tennessee, or the Illinois; offer by much the best pros-
pects; and to get to those countries, Philadelphia and
Baltimore are the best ports. If the intention be to
proceed to the lower part of the Ohio, Baltimore is

i8o9-i8ii] Bradhury's Travels 299

preferable to Philadelphia, and the best way will be to
go from thence to Wheeling, on the Ohio, ninety-five
miles below Pittsburg, and the road is much less diffi-
cult. The port to which the emigrant will sail being
determined, the next consideration is sea store; and he
will do well to recollect that most probably both him-
self and his family will be sea sick for some days, and
that, during its continuance, if he is a steerage passenger,
both he and his wife will have an utter aversion to the
trouble of cooking; he must, [322] therefore, provide
some cold meat to last dujing that time : either fowls or
veal would be the best. For the general sea store it is
difficult to prescribe rules. The quantity wiU of course
depend on the number of persons to be provided for, and
the quality, on their taste, and in some measure on the
season of the year. If there are small children, some oat-
meal and molasses will be found very useful and whole-
some, as it will furnish a food much more conducive to
their health than salt provisions. For the general sea
store, tea, coffee, sugar, biscuits, butter, cheese, a few
hams, salt, soap, candles, &c. will be necessary. Suffi-
cient should be laid in to last at least eight weeks, in par-
ticular for Baltimore, as sometimes vessels are a week
or ten days in going up the Chesapeake after passing
the Capes. A proper regard to cleanliness during the
voyage is recommended ; to admit as much air between
decks as the weather will permit, and to take a few
bottles of vinegar to sprinkle on the floor occasionally;
and if it can be practised, fumigation, by putting a red
hot piece of iron in a kettle of pitch, will be found
salutary. On arriving at the desired port, if the emi-
grant has any letters of introduction, he should deliver

3°

Early IVestem Travels

[Vol.5

them immediately: his friends may probably assist" him
in finding a proper place where his family may rest a
few days after the fatigues of the voyage. His next
care will be to land his trunks, bedding, &c. [323] and
get them deposited in a place of safety. If he has not
a letter of introduction to some person in the city
where he first lands, he ought to be on his guard. In
every one of the maritime cities in America, a great
number of small stores are established for the sale of
spirituous liquors, &c. Many of these are kept by
natives of Great Britain, some of whom are so devoid
of principle as to induce emigrants to remain in cities,
under various pretences, but chiefly by holding out a
prospect of employment, when their real purpose is to
tempt them to spend their money with them.

So many emigrants arrive at all the principal ports
in the United States, that there is very little chance of
employment, and almost the whole of the distress that
has been reported to exist in America, has arisen from
the number of emigrants who have foolishly lingered
in the cities until they have spent all their money.

It shall be supposed that the design of the emigrant
is to proceed to the countries east of the Alleghanies,
therefore he ought not to stay more than two or three
days in the city, which he can leave when he pleases,
as great numbers of waggons start from Philadelphia
to Pittsburg, or from Baltimore to Pittsburg or WTieel-
ing, every day. The charge is by the hundred weight,
both for passengers [324] and their luggage, and the
rate varies from five to seven dollars per hundred;
but the men may go cheaper if they chuse to walk over
the mountains, which is recommended. The waggon-

iSog-iSii]

Bradbury's Travels

301

ers Bravel with great economy: many of them cany a
small camp-kettle with them to cook their provisions,
and some have even a bed in their waggons, in which
they sleep at night. A traveller who chooses to adopt
a similar mode, may travel very cheap; or, as there are
plenty of inns on the roads, he can be accommodated
every night with beds, at a very reasonable rate. When
the emigrant arrives at Pittsburg or Wheeling, he will
find that numbers of Europeans and Americans are
arriving there every day, and the same causes that
operated against them in the maritime cities, as re-
spects employment, will, in some degree, have an effect
here; but as he will have occasion for information, it
would be advisable for him to stop a few days to make
enquiries. If he find it necessary to descend the Ohio,
the best mode of proceeding will be to enquire for one
or more families, who have intentions of going to the
same neighbourhood as himself, who may join him in
the purchase of an ark, one of the kind of vessels in
which families descend. These arks are built for sale,
for the accommodation of families descending the river,
and for the conveyance of produce. They are fiat-
bottomed, [325] and square at the ends, and are all
made of the same dimensions, being fifty feet in length,
and fourteen in breadth; which last is limited, because
it often happens that they must pass over the falls at
Louisville, when the river is at a low state, at which
time they pass betwixt two rocks in the Indian schute,
only fifteen feet asunder.'*' These arks are covered,

'" There are regular pilots resident at Louisville, who conduct the boats
over the falls, and deliver them safe at Shipping Port: — they charge two
dollars for pilotage. — Bbadbusv.

302 Early Western Travels [Vol. j

and are managed by a steering oar, which can be lifted
out of the water. The usual price is seventy-five dol-
lars for each, which will accommodate three or four
families, as they carry from twenty-five to thirty tons:
and it frequently happens that the ark can be sold for
nearly what it cost, six or eight hundred miles lower
down the river.

After the arrival of the emigrant on the Ohio, the
next step he takes is a very important one: — much
depends on his movement, and it is at that point when
he has the greatest need of counsel and advice. From
Europe until he arrives on the Ohio, general rules may
apply, but now his future destination depends on his
choice, and no general rule can be given to direct that
choice, because emigrants are of so many different
descriptions. [326] In order that these remarks may
have a general application, emigrants shall be considered
as consisting of several classes, the remarks shall be ap-
plied to each class separately, and terminate with
some general observations.

The first class of emigrants may be composed of
labourers, who have no other trade or profession, and
from whose services, more is expected to result from
bodily strength, than from ingenuity or education. If
a man of this class will work, he has nothing to fear in
the interior of America : — he possesses all the requisites
for a farmer excepting skill, and that he may soon
obtain. A great number of farmers have more land
inclosed in fence than they can well manage: ask one
of these the reason, he replies, "I want help." An
assistant enables him to cultivate a portion of his land
that would otherwise become overrun with weeds.

I809-I8II]

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303

The emigrant cannot expect full wages at the com-
mencement, but if he be attentive, he may in one year
become so expert a5 to be entitled to what is usually
paid to husbandmen, from twelve to fifteen dollars per
month, and board.

But when employment is obtained, the most difficult
thing remains yet to be done. The man he lives with,
and for whom he works, most probably makes his own
cider, a portion of which is distQled [327] into brandy:
both these articles are kept, in considerable quantities,
in the farmer's house. The emigrant is liberally sup-
plied with them, and can obtain them at a cheap' rate
elsewhere ; but he must avoid indulging too much, par-
ticularly in the spirits. He is not accustomed to a
profusion of this article, and may, by too frequent use,
acquire a habit that will ruin all his future prospects in
life. If his conduct is proper, he may associate with
the sons of the neighbouring farmers, many of whom
know that their ancestors became proprietors of land,
from a beginning not more promising than his: even
his employer was probably the helper to some one
formerly. Before this man can become a complete
American farmer, he must learn a number of things,
not connected with agriculture in some other countries.
He must leam to handle the axe dexterously, as he will
often be employed to cut down trees. He must also
leam, not only to distinguish the different species of
trees, but also to know by their appearance whether
they will suit the purpose for which they are wanted.

The second class of emigrants to be considered, are
those who have trades or professions, and yet are too
poor to enter into business for themselves. The pri-

3^4

Early Western Travels

[Vols

mary object of a person of this description is, of course,
employment: the commodity he has to dispose [328] of
is labour, for which he wants a market. So much of
this is daily brought into the sea-ports by the arrival of
emigrants, that they are always overstocked; he must
look for a better chance: — this chance the country will
aflford him. If his trade or profession be such as is
followed in a city, he may remain two days before he
goes to the country; if unsuccessful in his enquiries for
work, he ought not to remain longer. During his stay,
he ought to enquire amongst those of his own profes-
sion, where he may hope to obtain employment, as it
is very likely they may furnish references which will be
of great use to him. In travelling, this man ought not
be sparing in his enquiries; he is not in the least danger
of receiving a rude or an uncivil answer, even if he
should address himself to a squire, (so justices are
called.) It is expected in America, that every man
shall attend to his own concerns; and if a man who is
out of work ask for employment, it is considered as a
very natural thing.

He ought to make his situation and profession known
at the taverns where he stops, and rather to court than to
shun conversation with any that he may find assembled
there. He will seldom or never meet with a repulse,
as it gives them an opportunity of making enquiries
respecting the "old [329] country," (the term usually
applied to the British Islands.)

Should he fail in procuring employment at his own
business, he has all the advantages of the first man, in
agriculture. The countries west of the Alleghany
Mountains aflford the greatest advantages of any part

iSog-iSii] Bradbury's Travels 305

of the United States, to emigrants of this or the preced-
ing description; and when they arrive at the head of
the Ohio, the facility of descending that river opens to
them a vast field, in which labour must, for ages to
come, find a good market, as the vast tract of fine land
yet unsettled will induce so great an avidity for farming,
that labourers, or men who have trades or professions,
will adopt that line of life whenever they can raise the
means of purchasing land. For this reason a very long
time must elapse before there can be such a redun-
dancy of labour as to reduce its value. Some of the
trades that are carried on in the large towns are enum-
erated at page 285.

The man possessed of some property, say from ;^2oo
to £iooo, has more need of cautionary advice than
either of the former. But no knowledge can be con-
veyed to him, that will be so valuable as what results
from his own experience and observation. He is ad-
vised to deposit his money in a bank, or vest it in gov-
ernment stock immediately [330] on landing. His next
object is to determine in what line of life he shall em-
ploy himself and his capital. In this he should avoid
being too hasty. If it is known that he has money, he
will probably be tempted to enter into speculations,
both by his own countrymen and others. Designing
men are much more likely to hold out temptations than
men with honest and honourable intentions; and until
he has acquired a competent knowledge of men and
things, it is dangerous for him to embark in business.
It should have been premised, that he ought, if pos-
sible, to take with him letters of introduction to some
persons in the United States, experienced in matters of

3o6

Early Western Travels

[\'ol. 5

business, whom he might occasionally consult. If he
decide on mercantile business, or keeping a store, he
ought, by all means, to procure a situation in a mer-
chant's counting-house or in a store for one year at
least: even if with only trifling wages, he will still be a
gainer. If he adopt agriculture, he ought to obtain, if
possible, an assistant who knows the management of
crops, and the mode of working the ground: such a
person will be necessary for at least two years. If he
should not succeed in procuring such a man, he must
keep on good terms with his neighbours, who will
cheerfully tell him what is necessary to be done. In
purchasing his land, he ought not to depend entirely on
his own judgment, unless he has made an extensive
tour through the country, [331] and attentively con-
sidered the subject of land. He wiU find some remarks
applicable to that head amongst those addressed to a
fanner.

In a great many trades or professions, the emigrant
who has a capital and a trade or profession, may meet
with less difficulty than any of the preceding, if he act
with caution. Much in this case depends on making
a judicious choice in determining where to establish
his business. In most trades, the country beyond the
Alleghany Mountains, say Ohio, Kentucky, or Ten-
nessee, holds out greater advantages than the rest of
the Union, the profits in business being greater, and
the expense of living much less: the climate also is
more suitable to European constitutions, as the ex-
treme betwixt the heat of summer and the cold of win-
ter is much less than in the Atlantic States. In some
trades he may be expected to keep journeymen, per-

I809-I8II

Bradbury's Travels

307

haps Americans, from whom he is advised not to exact
that servility of deportment expected from subordinates
in other countries. He may be faithfully served with-
out it. He loses nothing by this, as those who are his
employers or customers will make no such exactions
from him.

There are several objects in America that present
themselves to the capitaHst, in which he may vest his
property with perfect security, and if he act [332]
judiciously, he will have no reason to complain of his
profits. The most prominent object that offers itself
is land. Of this, immense tracts may always be had,
and in particular from the government of the United
States. The price is two dollars per acre; one fourth
of the money to be paid down, and the rest by instal-
ments in five years. The degree of advantage to be
derived from land purchases, depends in a great meas-
ure on the judgment and foresight of the speculator,
to whom the country west of the Alleghanies offers the
best field. A very great majority of the emigrants to
that part have only farming in view, and the estab-
lishment of towns does not keep pace with the increase
of interspersed population. There are a great many
places, which, from the nature of things, must become
the scitcs of towns: a person of judgment and obser-
vation would easily point them out. The formation of
a number of proximate settlements has an invariable
tendency to raise the price of land in their vicinity: for
this reason, a rich man, who purchases a lai^e tract of
land on speculation, consults his best interests by a
liberal policy towards those who first settle on his
property. Let it be supposed that he purchases four

3°8

Early Western Travels

[Vol-s

miles square; this is sixteen square miles or sections,
or ten thousand, two hundred and forty acres, which
for cash costs sixteen thousand, eight hundred and
ninety-six dollars, or £3801 12s. English money. On
this [333] property he ought to possess a scite con-
venient for a village, and he should also have a water-
fall. If he lays the whole out in quarter sections, he
will have sixty-four of one hundred and sixty acres each.
Let him lay out the village, and sell, in the first in-
stance, only the intermediate subdivisions, on mod-
erate terms and liberal credit: the reserved subdi-
visions, together with the village lots, will in a short
time rise to a very great value. The next object of
importance is coal, and although the investment of
capital in that way may not so speedily produce profit
as in land, yet it holds out great advantages. It has
already been stated that coal is abundant in the western
country, and that a considerable portion of that region
is prairie: it has also been observed, that the existence
of a bed of coal scarcely enhances the price of the land
under which it lies. In most parts of the Atlantic
States, fifty years ago, one acre of cleared land was
worth five of woodland. Since that time innumerable
towns and villages have been established, and the old
cities and villages have increased. Every city or town
may be considered as the centre of a circle, within the
area of which one acre of woodland is now of much
more value than the same extent of the finest meadow.
These areas are continually increasing, and conse-
quently the aggregate value of timber. At a period not
very remote the larger cities must resort to the use of
coal, and nothing is [334] more certain than that a time

1809-1811] Bradbury's Travels 309

will come when tJiat article will be as valuable to
America as it is now to England.

The emigrant who goes to America with the inten-
tion of applying himself to farming, should take with
him some seed wheat of the best kinds, and if he can
procure it, perhaps the Syrian wheat {triticum compos-
itum) might be worth a trial. It has a much better
chance of answering in America than in England, and
particularly south of forty degrees of latitude; also a
small quantity of lucerne, saintfoin, and vetches: either
the seeds or the roots of the two former, but the roots
would be preferable. It might also be adviseable to
take a small bag of hay seeds from some of the best
meadows. Farming implements can be had in any
part of the United States, well adapted to the different
purposes for which they are wanted. In determining
a situation, he has the choice of any chmate from lati-
tude twenty-nine to forty-four degrees, comprehending
the regions suitable for the culture of sugar, cotton, and
grain. If his views are governed by the determination
to adopt any particular culture, he will of course settle
in the region suitable. If sugar, he will go south of
3iJ°; if cotton, southof 36'';for com, the most agreeable
is from 36° to 41*', as further north the severity and
length of the winters render the climate [335] less
desirable. A farmer, on settling in America, ought
not rashly to set up his opinions or former practices
against those of the old settlers. Many things which
may appear to him at first to be wrong or unnecessary,
will be found, on farther experience, both right and
expedient; but if he cultivates the good will of his
neighbours, and follows their advice, he will not go

3 1 o Early Western Travels [Vol. 5

wrong. He will soon find the succession of crops and
the mode of culture vary much from what he has
experienced in England, and that a differently modified
climate, and a sun more nearly vertical, greatly change
the order of the things to which he has been accus-
tomed. He will find his rye harvest to commence in
June, and that of his wheat soon after: the oats follow
next, and afterwards, if he have a meadow, his grass
will be ready for the scythe; then come his potatoes,
and lastly his Indian com. If the emigrant purchases
and setdes upon what is called wild land, one of his
first cares ought to be to plant a peach and apple
Orchard, and he ought to plant the two sorts alternate,
say one peach betwixt two apple trees, and not plant
the apple trees less than thirty feet asunder. The
peach trees soon come to maturity, and are short lived :
they will become of little value by the time the apple
trees are in want of room. In the woody region, the
axe is for some time the chief implement in the hands
of the settier, and he feels a considerable degree of
[336] repugnance at the destruction of so much fine
timber; but this soon subsides. If he has the courage
to proceed as far west as the Illinois, the North-west
Territories, or to the west of the Mississippi, the
prairies afford him the means of settling without much
trouble.

In the early part of the settiement of the rich conn-
tries beyond the Alleghanies, agues were very preva^
lent, and it will perhaps be found, that all countries in
a state of nature are liable to this disease in the pro-
portion of their fertility, which has a tendency to pn>-
duce it, from the vast quantity of vegetable matter

I809-I8II]

Bradbury's Travels

which goes to decay in Autumn. As this applies gen-
erally in those regions, the new settler has no means
of avoiding the consequence but by precautions and
preventives: but as it has also a local influence, he may,
by a judicious choice of a situation, render himself and
family less liable to its attacks. The first settlers
having the choice of the whole country, it is very natural
that they should adopt the alluvion of the rivers, both
on account of the superior fertility of the soil, and the
facilities it gives to the transportation of produce; and
many in so doing sacrifice their health to their apparent
interest. It must be admitted, that some of the val-
leys in which the rivers flow are as healthy as the up-
lands; but this depends on whether the river overflows
its banks or not, or on [337] the existence or non-
existence of stagnant water in the neighbourhood. As
to precautions, the emigrant is apprised that in these
countries the dew is very copious, and begins to fall
even before sunset. Let him avoid as much as pos-
sible ejtposure either to this or rain; or if unavoidably
exposed, he must take off his wet clothes as soon as
possible; and if he has flannel shirts, in order to change
after copious perspiration, he will find benefit in using
them. An important consideration to a family is the
quality of the water they use; of course, the purer this
is the better. If the settler is not able to analyze it,
he may discover the presence of sulphur, iron, an acid,
or an alkali, by tests always in his power to procure.
Sulphur may be detected by laying a piece of bright
silver in the water, which turns black if that substance
is held in solution. A little of the inner bark of any of
the oaks, infused in a glassful of water, turns it black,

312 Early Western Travels [Vol. 5

if iron is present. Paper, stained blue by the petals of
almost any flower of that colour being rubbed upon it,
turns green by being dipped in water impregnated with
alkali, or red if an add.

The settler who is accustomed to malt liquor may,
with very little trouble, brew his own ale. Barley is
cultivated west of the Alleghanies, and hops grow wild
in abundance : — the use of this [338] beverage is sup-
posed to be a preventive to the ague. Almost every
family has a supposed cure for this complaint; and
every one who visits or sees those affected has a favourite
remedy, all differing from each other; but the physi-
cians in the Western Country treat it with bark and
laudanum: of these the emigrant ought to lay in a
sufficiency to administer to his family in case of need.

It has already been observed, that the emigrants to
this country are almost of every nation in Europe, but
it is a remarkable and striking fact, that the Germans,
Dutch, and Swiss succeed much better than those from
any other country. This is not so much owing to
greater industry or economy, as to the more judicious
mode they adopt in settling. In general, before these
people emigrate they form associations, lay down their
plans, and send an agent over in whom they can con-
fide. He purchases for them a suitable extent of land,
and prepares the way: when their arrangements are
made, they move over in one body. This system has
always been followed by these people, and the conse-
quences are visible in almost every part of the United
States, but more particularly in the states of New York,
New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, in all parts of which

i8o9-i8ii]

Bradbury's Travels

313

they are in possession of the best lands. The appear-
ance of comfort, ease, and iBdependence exhibited by
one of these little colonies [339] is so visible, that the
traveller who does not perceive it at first sight, must be
very deficient in discernment. Some of the colonies of
this kind, besides the tie of common interest, have
another bond of union, which is a similarity of senti-
ment and belief in their religious opinions; this, in
some instances, has operated as a cause for regulating
their system of colonization: but perhaps that which
has most generally influenced them is the circumstance
of their language not being the general language of the
United States, an inconvenience much less felt by a
colony than by an isolated family; but lei the cause
be what it may, the effect is very manifest, and may be
easily accounted for. In the early settlement of any
particular district of new country,"^ its progress in im-
provements is slow, until a grist and a saw mill are
erected, after which the change is very rapid. Every
planter in the vicinity, by the aid of a saw mill, is able
to erect a handsome frame house. The grist mill
enables him to convert his wheat into flour fit for a
market, and he boldly engages and employs hands to
assist him in converting the forest into fields, yielding
luxuriant crops. These two kinds of mills are the
most necessary objects in a new colony; but there are
many others, such as roads, bridges, &c. all of which
are much sooner effected by a colony having a union
of interest, and of course a union of action.
[340] The rapidity with which these colonies acquire

'" The lenn mw country signifies one newly settled.^ Bkadbitrv. ,,

Rarly Western Travels

[Vol-s

wealth or property will appear by a comparison of their
present state with their situation when they first sat
down ; and for the sake of example, one of those soci-
eties shall be selected, and a review taken of its pro-
gress. This is the Harmonist Society, situated about
twenty nailes from Pittsburg. They came from Wu:-
temburg in Germany, where finding themselves op-
pressed and persecuted by a church and state union,
they determined to flee to a land where no human
authority would dare to insult the Deity, by arrogating
to itself the right of dictating how He shall be wor-
shipped, and where they are too wise or too honest to
suppose they can force belief. This country is America,
to which in the year 1803 they sent George Rapp and
others, as deputies, who fixed on a situation about
twenty miles from Pittsburg.'"

In 1804, the society embarked at Amsterdam in
three ships, two of which arrived at Philadelphia, and
the other at Baltimore. In the November of that year
forty families removed with Mr. Rapp, and before
winter they built nine log-houses. In the Spring of
1805, they were followed by fifty more families, making
in all ninety. The whole of their property was about
twenty thousand dollars: this sum they laid out in the
purchase of nine thousand acres of land, which, to-
gether with their [341] mental and physical powers, in
the Spring of 1805 formed the whole of their posses-
sions. In the summer of this year they built forty-six

'^ Bradbury has given here a detailed and accurale account of the
founding of Rapp's conununistic sodely. For its later history, see Hinds,
American Communities (rev. ed., Chicago. 1902). In 1900 there remaioed
but nine members of the society at their town of Economy, in Beaver County,
Pennsylvania. — Ed.

1809-1811] Bradbury's Travels 315

log-houses, a large bam, a grist mill, and cleared two
hundred and five acres of land.

"In 1806 a large inn was built, partly of stone; a
frame-bam, a hundred feet long; a blue dyer's shop;
an oil-mill; and they established a tannery. Three
hundred and fifty-eight acres of land were cleared.

"In 1S07 they erected a number of buildings;
amongst which was a saw-miH and a brewery. Four
hundred acres of land were cleared, and four acres of
vines were planted.

"In 1808 they buUt a meeting-house of brick, to-
gether with dwelling-houses and stables, and a bridge
over the Conaquenesing creek, two hundred and
twenty feet long. A considerable quantity of land was
cleared.

"In the year 1809 they erected a fulling-mill, an
oil-mill, a mill for breaking hemp, a grist-mill, and a
large brick warehouse, with a wine cellar beneath,
arched over. The produce of this year was — four
thousand five hundred bushels of rye, four thousand
five hundred bushels of wheat, six [342] thousand
bushels of Indian com, ten thousand bushels of pota-
toes, five thousand bushels of oats, four thousand
pounds of flax and hemp, one hundred bushels of
barley brewed into beer, and fifty gallons of sweet oil
from the white poppy.

"In 1810 they began the manufacture of broaddotk,
from the wool of their Merino sheep; fixed up a carding
machine, two spiiming Jennies, and built a factory for
twenty looms.

"In the year 1811 the property of the society was
estimated as follows: —

3 1 6 Early Western Travels [Vol. 5

Dollars.

Nine thousand acres of land, with improvements . 90,000
Stock of provisions for one year for eight hundred

fjersons 35,000

Stock of goods, spirits, oiaoufactures, leather, im-
plements of husbandry, &c 50|Doo

Dwelling-houses 18,000

Mills, machinery, and public buOdings . . . 31,000

Horses, cattle, hogs, and poultry .... 10,000
A thousand sheep, one-third of them Merinoes, of

which one ram cost a thousand . . . 6,000

330,000

The progress made by a small colony of Swiss, who
settled in the Indiana Territory about the same time as
the society at Harmony, is not less rapid. It consisted
of eleven families, who united in forming a vineyard,
from which, in 181 1, they made more than two thou-
sand gallons of wine."*

'" This WHS the company of Swiss led by John James Du Four, who ia
1803 secured a tract from Congress, on favorable lenns, in order lo experi-
ntent with the cidture of the vine. Their two thousand five hundred add
OD the Ohio River was later organized into (be county of Switzerland, where
Vevay, the county seat, was laid out in 1813. See account of Vevaf id
Thwaites, On tk» Sloried Ohin.— Ed.

No. VII [i.e., VI]
CATALOGUE

OF SOME OF

THE MORE RARE OR VALUABLE PLANTS
Discovered in the Neighbourhood oj St. Louis and on the Missouri

Leersia Lenlicidaris, Woods, American Bottom, St. Louis.

Aristida Pollens, Hills on the Menimac.

Stipa Juncea, Prairies, Aricaras to the Mandans.

Membranacea, Fort Mandan. Probably not a Stipa.

Aira Breoijolia, Great Prairie.

Festuca Spicata, common on the Missouri.

Cynosurus secundus, Mississippi BluSs,

Hordeum Jubatum, valleys near the Aricaras.

AUionia Ovata,'*^ banks of the Missouri, above the Big Bend.

' y bluSs near the Aricara villase.
Htrsuta, \ °

Plantago Lagopus, alluvion of the Missouri, common.

Eiongata, near the Maha village.

Eleagnus Argentea, bluffs near the Mandan nation.

Hippophae Argentea, Mahas, Platte, Ottoes, Missouri.

Pulmonaria Sibirica, high up the Merrimac river.

Lanceolata, opposite the Aricara village.

[344] Balschia Canescens, prairie about St. Louis.

Gmtlini, American Bottom, Illinois.

Longifiora, first occurs near the mouth of the Platte, on

ascending the Missouri.

Onosmodium MoUe, about St. Louis.

Dodecaiheon Meadia, prairie behind St. Louis.

'* These three spede* of AUionia logether with the two species o! Barto-
nia, have the singular property of flowering in the night: the flowers biust
forth just at sun-set, and perish at its iMng.— Bbaobuby.

l^rly Western Travels

[V0I.S

Phacelia Fimbriata, at Point L'Abbadie, on the Missouri, wUk

while /lowers.
Cynoglossum Glomeratum, Big Bend, Missouri.
Solanum Helerandrum, about the Aricara village.
Kibes Aureum, Little Cedar Island, Missouri.
Salsola Depressa, on the Missouri, near the mouth of Knife River,
Hydrocotyle Amhigwi, rocks on the Mississippi, near Hercu-

laneum.
Selinum acaule, on the alluvion of the Missouri, from the river

Naduet to the Mahas.
Seseii Divaricalum, Missouri Bluffs, at the mouth of the L'eau

qui Court.
Linum Leunsii, on Cannon-ball river.

Rigidum, on the Missouri bluffs, common.

Yucca Angusiijolia, Missouri bluffs, opposite the mouth of

Fapillon Creek.
LUium Cateshieia, prairie about St. Louis.

Umbellatum, bluffs near the Mandan village.

Rumex Vetwsus, Big Bend, Missouri.
Gaura Coccinea,
Oenothera Albicaulis,

MacTocarpa, near St. Louis.

Eriogonum Paucijiorum, 1 near the Minateree villages on the

Sericeum, i Missouri, both growing together.

Cactus Viviparus, Missouri bluffs, above the Poncar village.
Bartonia Ornata,

> bluffs Aricara village.

(on the bluffs above Knife River.

Geum Trifiorum, head waters Blackbird Creek.

[345] Potentilla Arguta, bluffs above the Aricara village.

Ranunculus MuUijidus, in stagnant pools near the Sepulchre

bluffs.
Stachys Fanictdum, Missouri bluffs.
Capraria Mullifida, American Bottom, Illinois.
Marlynia Proboscidea, St. Louis.
Penslemon Erianihera, common on the bluffs from the Big Bend

to the Aricara village.
Angustijolia, near the Minataree village.

Bradbury s Travels

3'9

>■ American Bottom, nUnois.

— Glabra, alluvion of the Missouri, above the Big Bend.

Castiileja Sessillifiora, Upper Louisiana.

Myagrum ArgerUeum, on limestone rocks, Missouri.

Erysimum Lanccolalum, \ a connecting link between Erysimum
or, > and Cheirantkus, used as medi-

Cheiranthus Erysimoides, j cincbylkeAricaras.

Cleome Pinnata, on the prairies between the Aricaras and Man-
dans.

Cristaria Coccinea, on the bluffs of the Missouri, above the
L'eau qui Court.

S^tiscus Militaris,

Manihot,

Ervum ifultifiorum, opposite the Sepulchre bluffs, Missouri.

Viccia Slipulacca, Upper Louisiana.

Lalhyrus Decaphyllus, sand alluvion of the Missouri, above the
Big Bend.

Lupinus Pusillm, bluffs near Little Cedar Island.

Amerpha Fruticosa, conamon on the Missouri and Mississippi.

Mycrophylla, abundant near the Aricara village.

Canescens, on the prairie four miles west of St. Xxtuis.

Astragalus Riuemosus, j on the bluffs opposite the mouth of

Tryphyllus, > Papillon Creek, and at the Aricara

Camosus, I villages.

Dalea Aurea, on the prairies six miles below the L'eau qui Court.

Laxifiora, Aricara village.

[346] Psoralea Cuspidala, on the bluffs near the Chienne river.

Longijolia, near the Sepulchre bluffs. Probably not a

Psoralea.

Ellipiica, sand hills near the Big Bend.

Escuienta, bluffs near the mouth of Negro Fork, Mer-

nmac nver.

Tenuiflora, sand hills, Big Bend.

CyHsus Rhombijolius, at the mouth of Chienne river, and on arid

places near the Aricara village.
Sonckus Pulcheilus, banks of the Missouri, common.
Troximum Cuspidatam, common on the prairies between the

Mahas and Mandans.

Early Western Travels

[Vol.5

Eupalorium Allissimum, Missouri and Mississippi, commoD.
Oxytropis Lambertii, on the bluSs from Ute Maha village to the

Poncars.
Artemisia Dracunculus,

Cana,

Campestris,

Santonica,

commoD on the Missouri.

on the blu&s of the Missouri.

Arnica julgens, prairie from the Aricaras to the Mandans.
Cineraria Integrijolia, common on the Missouri.
Erigeron Hirsutum, Aricara village.

- — — Divaricatum, common on the Missouri.

Senecio Pauperculus, prairie below the L'eau qui Court.
Aster ArgeiUeus, prairie behind St. Louis, abundant.
Amellus ViUosus,

Spinulosus,

Galardia AcauOs, on the Missouri near the Aricara village.

Probably a Chaptalia.
Rudbeckia Columnaris, bluffs above the Aricara village. Most

probably not a Rudbeckia, and ought to form a new genus.
Iva Axiilaris, about Chienne river.
Chdiantkes Dealbata and Vestita, Manitou rocks on the Mia-

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